






































• 



' 


















I 









I THE LIFE 

OF 

FIELD MARSHAL SOUTAUOF; 

WITH 
REFLECTIONS UPON THE PRINCIPAL EVENTS, 

POLITICAL AND MILITARY, 



CONNECTED Wl^U 

I 



THE HISTORY OF RUSSIA, 



DURING 



#att of tlje Ct^teentlj Century 



BY L. M. 1\ DE LAVERNE, 

FORMERLY AX OFFICER OF DRAGOONS. 



Translated from the French. 



BALTIMORE : 



Published by Edward J. Coale ; and by Eastburn, Kirk, & Co. New-York; 
and Mathew Carey, Philadelphia. 

P. MAURO, PRINTER* 



A* 



4jj 



DISTRICT OP MARYLAND, to nil: 

JBE IT REMEMBERED, that on this twenty-second day of February, in the thirty-eighth year 
««**«*«* o the Independence of the Unite*! States of America, Edward J. Coale, of the said 
5 Seal. J district, hath deposited in this office, the title of a book, the right whereof he claims as 
******** proprietor, in the words and figures following, to wit :— 

" The Life of field marshal Souvarof, with reflections upon the principal events, political and 
•* military.connected with the history of Russia, during part of the eighteenth century, by L. M. P. 
"de Lavernt, formerly an officer of dragoons, translated from the French.'' 

In conformity with the act of the congress of the United States, entitled " An act for the encou- 
ragement of learning, by securing the copies of maps, charts, and books to the authors and proprietors 
of such copies, during the times therein mentioned." And also to the act entitled, " An act supple- 
mentary to the act entitled, ' An act for the encouragement of learning, by securing the copies of 
maps, charts, and books to the authors and proprietors of such copies during the times thereiu men« 
tioned.' and extendug the benefits thereof to the arts of designing, etchingJJBdengraving historical 
jtnd ethev prints." SSl 

PHILIP MOORE, 
Clerk qftiie District vf' Maryfant!. 



I 







"V 






mj>vmi$mwu 



•<zx 



THE work of which a translation is now offered to the 
American public, appeared in Paris in 1809. Our inter- 
course with the continent of Europe is now so slender, that 
a long time must necessarily elapse before we can be ap- 
prised of the existence of any work, which can shed any 
light upon the complicated relations of European politics, or 
illustrate the biography of their generals or statesmen. The 
copy which has been translated, and which, most probably, is 
the only one that has yet found its way to these distant re- 
gions was procured through the courtesy of his Excellency 
Mr. Daschkoff. His politeness and zeal will, it is hoped, be 
rewarded, by the removal of some of the uncharitable pre- 
judices and errors rcpecsting the true character of the Hussian 
nation, which are too much countenanced in America. /The 
national character of the Russians is the subject of much ani- 
mated discusE^Ji. They are represented, on one side, as a com- 
pound of ferocious barbarism and vicious profligacy ; while, on 
the other side, they are pictured with all the virtues as well 
as the strength of an infant and growing people. It is not 
difficult to discover, in part, the sources of these contradic- 
tory opinions. On the progress of a nation from barbarism 



iv ADVERTISEMENT. 

to refinement, every successive stage in the early part of its 
career is marked with scenes of confusion and blood. The ideas 
of civil liberty begin to be felt and acknowledged before the 
haughty independence of a warlike spirit is entirely subdued. 
The history of every nation in Europe may be traced back 
to ages when a wild insubordination pervaded the community, 
and thrones rocked almost continually upon their bases. 
But these times are but faintly remembered, as we trace 
down the progress of enlightened policy ; and the mind of the 
reader reposes with so much satisfaction, upon an sera of do- 
mestic peace and tranquility, that he is but little disposed to 
recal the remembrance of former commotion and slaughter. 
When Russia arose after slumbering for a night of ages, 
Europe had forgotten the spectacle which she herself had ex- 
hibited in the early periods of her history. Like skilful arti- 
ficers, the other nations of the continent ridiculed the auk- 
ward, though well intentioned efforts of the untutored begin- 
ner. Every interruption of domestic quiet was construed 
into a proof of ferocity; every step in the path of improve- 
ment, was pointed out as a mark by which to estimate the 
distance Russia had yet to go, instead of being instanced as an 
evidence of the progress she had already made. It is owing 
to this circumstance that Russia has been considered as in- 
ferior to her polished and refined neighbours ; until the ha- 
bit has become so confirmed that it will remain long after the 
cause that created it has ceased to exist. 

Catharine the Second, developed in a surprising manner, 
the resources, the wealth, and the greatness of Russia. Ca- 
tharine (in the language of our author) did for Russia, what 



ADVERTISEMENT. v 

Charles the Fifth, did for Spain ; Louis the Fourteenth, for 
France; and Frederick the Second, for Prussia* But Ca- 
tharine, from the cpocha at which she lived, will enjoy here- 
after a singular glory! the glory of having laid the founda- 
tion and prepared the means of successful resistance to the 
tremendous desolation that was lately spreading over the con- 
tinent, and which, in its progress, threatened to prostrate for 
centuries to come, the chivalry, freedom, commerce, civiliza- 
tion, and virtue of Europe. The defeat of the French inva- 
sion of 1812, is one of the most wonderful events that has 
ever occurred. When we consider the army which the empe- 
ror Napoleon led into Russia, — the skill of his numerous 
officers, — the experience of his veteran soldiers, swelling their 
number to half a million of combatants, and provided with 
all the apparatus of war, which modern ingenuity has nearly 
perfected— the admirable organization of that army, and the 
magazines, stores, and equipments provided for it — we shall in 
vain search through the stream of ages, from the earliest re- 
cords of history, for an event which in its magnitude, its 
threatened consequences, or its actual results, can sustain a 
comparison with that great invasion. Surely then the life of 
that general must be singularly interesting, who organised as 
it were, the Russian armies ; whose victories made them per- 
haps the best troops in Europe; and the last achievement of 
whose life was the splendid campaign of Italy : — A campaign 
in which two famous generals of France, Moreau and Mac- 
donald, were completely overcome ; and in which Massena, 
who had the singular honour of receiving from the great Na- 
poleon himself the title of " spoiled child of fortune/' found 
his expectations baffled by a handful of troops led on by the 



Vi ADVERTISEMENT. 

invincible Russian. Surely the history of that man must af- 
ford matter of deep reflection and instruction, to the man of 
letters and the student, the soldier, and the politician, of every 
party, profession, or nation. 

The * Life of Souvarof," was written by an officer who ap- 
pears to have profoundly investigated the causes and nature of 
the military operations of the latter part of the eighteenth cen- 
tury, and the policy of the different courts of Europe during 
a considerable portion of that period. With a soldier's eye he 
has surveyed the various campaigns in which his hero was en- 
gaged- The life of a soldier ought perhaps always to be writ- 
ten by a soldier, as none can display the scientific operations of 
war, so well as he who professionally understands them, and 
has personally witnessed their practical results. 

It may be remarked that M. Laverne maintains throughout 
the work, the superior excellence of the Russian troops, and 
the opinion that Russia, although by her partition of Poland 
she had exposed herself to invasion on that side, is yet invin- 
cible at home. Little did he think that the correctness of his 
judgment was so soon to be established by the terrible battle of 
Borodino, and the complete destruction of an army of five 
hundred thousand men. 

Conceiving from these circumstances that the work would 
be interesting and instructive, a few months ago, a translation 
of it was undertaken. It was commenced as an useful exer- 
cise, and an employment for hours of leisure or study. The 
late occurrences in Europe, in which the Russian armies have 



ADVERTISEMENT. vii 

borne so conspicuous a part, have given, it is thought, a supe- 
rior degree of interest to a vv >rk, which is a history of the 
origin and progressive discipline of those armies. Its publica- 
tion was therefore hastened before the severity of subsequent 
correction had chastened and amended faults, from which we 
are scarcely permitted to believe it is free. 

With respect to the orthography we adopted of the name 
Souvarqf, we have been favoured with the following observa- 
tions from the pen of a Russian gentleman and a scholar— 
" Many of the Russian names end in ov or as in loxe. The 
€t French and Germans transform this syllable by corruption 
" into off or ow : and Russian gentlemen having occasion to 
" write their names in a foreign language, adopt indifferently 
" the one or the other, but the off prevails. The usual way 
" of writing the name of the Russian hero is Suxaroff; some 
" would write it Suxoroxe, but according to my idea, to give 
" it the true Russian pronunciation, if the Su in English has 
66 not exactly the sound of Soo, it would perhaps be better to 
" write it Sooxoroff — The French write Sou to give the exact 
" sound of the Russian Su. 9 * 

But in English &<mhas exactly the sound of Soo, We may 
add that Doctor Clarke writes Suxorqf and Suxarof- — Tooke, 
the author of the " Life of Catharine," Suvarqf—2in& the 
French, Souxarof. We have adopted the manner in which it 
is constantly written by our author. 

Baltimore; February lb, 181 i- 



The publisher has been favoured with the following lettei from 
his Excellency Mr, Daschkoff: 

Washington, January 2Zd, 1814. 

SlK, 

I am very happy to learn that you intend to gra- 
tify jour countrymen with an edition of the Life of SouVA- 
itoF, one of the greatest chieftains of tlie last century. 

There is none which more justly deserves a translation, than 
the one which I had the pleasure to forward to you, written by 
L. M. P. de Laverne, an Austrian officer. I recommend it to 
you with the more confidence, as General Moreau, the best 
judge of military works, noticed this for its worth. I have 
read his campaigns and his life in several languages, and 
must own this has been more satisfactory to me than any I 
have yet seen. 

I beg you to accept the assurances of great consideration 
with which I am, 

Sir, 
Your most obedient humble servant, 

ANDREW DASCHKOFF. 
Mr, E. J. Coale. Baltimore. 



B 



& 



&S***f40» 



THE life of Souvarof, such as we now offer it to the rea- 
der, has never been presented to the public. Indeed we may 
say, that there is no complete account of the actions of this il- 
lustrious general. The history of his campaigns against the 
Turks, the Tartars, and the Poles, which .has been translate 
ed from English into French, is still more diffuse and tedious 
in the translation than in the original. The author of that 
work (and of course his translator) have been guilty of inac- 
curacies in many parts of the history of the seven years' war, 
in which Souvarof Just appeared in arms. Errors have crept 
into a vast number of his statements with regard to the war 
of the confederation of Poland, which was coneluded in 1772, 
by the partition of that kingdom ; and his account of the first 
war with the Turks abounds in mistakes. The " History of 
the Campaigns/' attributes, for example, to Souvarof the vic- 
tory of Roslodji, which was obtained by Kamenski. The 
credit of the defeat of Pugatchef is also given to Souvarof, 
whilst it is universally acknowledged that Russia is indebted 
to Panin and Michelson for crushing thisf rebellion, and that 
the division of Souvarof did not arrive until the troops of the 
rebel were dispersed and he himself had become a fugitive. 



±Z PREFACE. 

The exploits of Souvarof in the second war with the Turks, 
and in that which decided the ultimate destiny of Poland, are 
narrated in the same loose manner. Souvarof is made to do 
every thing. Nothing creates mistrust in the mind of the 
reader sooner than this folly of the historian in making his 
hero an omnipresent and perfect being. It is entirely unne- 
cessary, to say the least of it, to attribute the victories of ano- 
ther to Souvarof, who can boast of so many and such brilliant 
triumphs of his own. 

Eut exactitude in the narration of facts is not the only requi- 
site of a historian. Although it must be acknowledged that 
facts are the foundation of history, yet the mere recital of 
them is far from being sufficient to keep alive that interest in 
the mind of the reader, which the historian should carefully 
cherish. This is particularly the case with regard to military 
transactions, when they are described with minuteness, by 
sacrificing every other species of detail. We have studiously 
avoided this error. In speaking of war (and we have con- 
stant occasion so to do, as our hero was almost always 
engaged in it) we have examined into its causes, and de- 
lineated the characters of the eminent personages on both 
sides of the contest. We have enquired into the political, mo- 
ral, and natural history of the places which are mentioned as 
the scenes of remarkable occurrences. The theatre being 
thus prepared, we exhibit our hero, not however as an actor 
who performs his part as it had been written for him, but 
as a being reflecting for himself, and carrying into effect the 
plans whicfl he had previously conceived. We develops 



PREFACE. 13 

these plans, we trace them as they are gradually unfolded, and 
remark those modifications which the counteraction of the 
enemy made it proper to introduce ; modifications which a 
dexterous general should always regard, without deviating 
essentially from the great outlines of his own plan. This 
outline of the campaign always evinces the abilities or inca- 
pacity of the general ; and hence we have taken the utmost 
care to give a clear and exact sketch of it at the commence- 
ment of each war. In the same manner every battle is fought 
for the attainment of an object, more or less important and 
distinct, according to the talents of the commander. An en- 
gagement cannot indifferently be drawn on or avoided ; and 
when the contending armies are in presence of each other, 
there is always some point in their respective positions, the 
defence or occupancy of which is decisive of success. Even in 
the heat of action, there is always some auspicious moment to 
seize, some manoeuvre to execute with decision, which will 
secure a probable victory, or avoid an approaching defeat. 
These are circumstances to which we arc particularly atten- 
tive, and we think that this plan of narration affords more so- 
lid instruction to military men, than if wc had offered the most 
minute details of the operations of the campaign. 

Reflecting upon the part which Russia is now acting in 
Europe, we have thought that the history of her first gene- 
ral i — of the man who did most to render her illustrious,—, 
who carried farthest the glory of her arms, and contributed 
most effectually to the establishment of her power, would not 
be uninteresting to the public. It is true as a general remark, 



14 PREFACE. 

that every thing which concerns illustrious strangers, is not 
only interesting, but useful, as a means of comparison and a 
source of information. 

We have read and compared all the historical, political, 
military, and biographical works that have appeared in Ger- 
many or France, treating of the affairs of Russia during that 
period of her history when Souvarof was most actively em- 
ployed, that is, from 1758 to 1800. But independently of the 
information which we have drawn from these sources, a long 
residence in Russia and Germany has enabled us to exercise 
over these documents the authority of a critic, founded on 
a personal knowledge of the characters and places of which 
they speak. 

Nor have we been contented with examining public sources 
of information and papers which are within the reach of every 
one. We have received many minute and valuable statements 
from those persons who were eye-witnesses of the events of 
which they have transmitted us an account. Those of our 
readers who have been attentive observers of the current of 
affairs in Europe during the last ten years of the last century, 
will perceive that we are better instructed, owing to the assis- 
tance of friendship, than those who are compelled to resort 
to libraries alone for aid. 

This work may perhaps be blamed for the same supposed 
defect that has been imputed to the "Life of Potemkin;" that 
is, the author dwells with too much complacency upon the- 



PREFACE. ±b 

good qualities of his hero, and too often makes the history ap- 
pear like the style of a studied culogium.* Unquestionably 
it would have been easier simply to relate facts, and permit 
the reader to form his own opinion of the person whom they 
concerned, than to attempt to bias his opinion. Knowing 
that this is the proper path for ajudicious historian to follow, 
we have adhered to it as closely as possible. But it was not 
always in our power to pursue it strictly. Is it our fault that 
hatred, envy, treachery, party spirit, and folly (to speak us 
mildly as possible) have poured out their venom upon the cha- 
racter of Souvarof, and painted him in colours altogether too 
deep? Could we pass over these falsehoods in silence, 
content with refuting them by relating the truth ? Undoubted- 
ly not. He knows little of human nature who supposes that 
their prejudices would be eradicated in this manner. We have 
dwelt with energy upon the truth in many places, because it is 
important to exhibit our hero correctly to the world and to 
posterity. Impartiality itself, that first virtue of a historian, 
has required us to eulogize him with warmth, because that 



* We mentioned this reproach because it applies to us. We revised and re- 
touched the political and military part of the " Lifeof Potemkin," with the con- 
sent of the family of the authoress, Madame de Cerenville, a lady as enlighten- 
ed as she was highly respectable in soceity, but whose loss must be deplored 
by literature and her friends. Whilst living she laid us under a promise to per. 
form that service. She had so much diffidence that she was mistrustful of her 
powers in treating of those subjects which were foreign to her pursuits and edu- 
cation as a woman, but bvno means beyond the reach of her comprehension. 
We have adopted her opinion of Potemkin, because we believe it to be just, 
and because our reflections and observations made when in Russia have con- 
curred in persuading us that the acknowledged blemishes in the character of 
this singular man, have occasioned his great genius and good qualities to be too 
much overlooked. 



16 PREFACE. 

impartiality has been hitherto denied him with striking in- 
justice. 

If we have set a value on those things which shew the cha- 
racter of our hero in an advantageous point of view, we have 
written nothing which could create an exaggerated opinion of 
his worth. We have painted him exactly as he appeared to 
our judgment. If there is any error in the description it is 
not a wilful one. There is not in the whole work a single 
word which is contrary to our conscience, and both men and 
things are depicted in conformity with its dictates. In the 
midst of the convulsions which have occasioned so much ca- 
lamity to agitated Europe, it may be possible (and it must be 
pardoned if such is the case) that our hearts have contracted 
some little irritability. Perhaps, from an over anxiety to 
avoid misrepresentation from this cause, we have adopted too 
much moderation in our opinions. Every thing has its fa- 
vourable and unfavourable side, according to the manner in 
which it is viewed. One of these may be substantially as true 
as the other, and without deviating from strict equity one may 
be presented with more minuteness than the other. We have 
taken advantage of this liberty, but always on the favourable 
side of the question ; and however palatable satire and sar- 
casm may be to a certain class of men, we have charity enough 
to believe that the majority are in favour of leniency when the 
facts will admit of a choice. Finally we repeat with confi- 
dence that neither flattery, interest, nor enmity has for a mo- 
ment guided our pen, and secure from this reproach, we submit 
with resignation to all those which the poverty of our abilities 
condemns us to incur. 



gjiMUttt$< 



Advertisement, -.--..--3 

Mr. Daschkoff's Letter, -..--- 9 

Preface, ----.----10 

CHAPTER I. 

Introduction — Birth of Souvarof — His education — His en- 
trance into the army, ------ 25 

CHAPTER II. 

Commencement of the reign of Catharine IL—War of tlie 
confederation of Poland — -Causes of the war — Exploits of 
Souvarof — First partition of Poland, - - - 39 

CHAPTER III. 

Campaigns of Souvarof against the Turks — Rebellion of 
Pougatchef — Annexation of the peninsula of the Crimea 
to the Russian empire — Expedition into the Kurban, - Go 

CHAPTER IV. 

Souvarof is made commander in chief — Jotirney of the em- 
press into the Crimea — Second war with the Turks — 
Campaigns of 1787 <$• 8 — The Turks often defeated by 
Souvarof — Campaign of 1789 — Battle of Uymnick — 
Campaign of 1790 — Taking of Ismail — Peace of Jas- 

sy — Rt flections, - - - - - - - 91 

C 



t 



18 CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER V. 

Ijist war in Poland — Souvarof, commander in chief of the 
Russian armies in that country, totally defeats the Polish 
confederates — Rapidity of his conquests — Poland is sub- 
dued and definitively partitioned'— Reflections upon the 
war and its consequences — Souvarof is created field 
marshal, - - - - - * - - 133 

CHAPTER VI. 

Death of Catharine II. — Elevation of Paul L to the throne- 
Disgrace of Souvarof — Coalition of Russia, England, 
and Austria against France — Souvarof is appointed 
commander in chief of the grand combined army — His- 
tory of the campaign of 1799 in Italy and Switzerland, 
from its commencement until the return of the Russian 
troops to their own country, at the end of the year, 187 

CHAPTER VII. 

Souvarof arrives at St. Petersburg — Is seized with a dan- 
gerous illness — His last moments and deatli — Portrait 
of Souvarof — His character, manners, and habits — Anec- 
dotes respecting him — Comparison with other celebrated 
generals of the eighteenth century — Conclusion, - 261 

Appendix, - • - -- - - - 299 






ERRATA; 

The reader is requested to correct the following typograph- 
ical errors. 

Page 49, line 3t 9 for glaire, read gloire. 

86 31 affect, effect. 

93 3 verify, vivify. 

189 10 concession, concussion. 

203 5 became- become. 



THE LIFE 



OF 



SOUVAROF. 



CHAPTER I. 



Introduction — Birth of Souvarof—IIis education— -His entrance 

into the army, 

THE extraordinary man who is the subject of this work, 
must be considered in the light of a military character alone, 
since war was the constant employment of his life. The sys- 
tem with which he conducted his campaigns, his numerous ex- 
ploits, the glory that he acquired for himself and his country, 
the superiority which he gave the Russian armies over those 
of every nation in Europe, arc circumstances sufficiently pow- 
erful to interest the majority of the readers of his life. But 
the principles which guided him in his military operations, 
whether we consider them as relating to his intelligence and 
experience, or, extrinsic circumstances, such as the genius 
of his nation, the nature of the government which he obeyed, 
or the spirit of the people whom he had to oppose, will interest, 
in a peculiar degree, the admirers of the man, and furnish the 
military order with useful precepts and instructive exam- 
ples. 

D 



26 THE LIFE OF 

The true merit of a man must be ascertained from those ad- 
vantages which he has gained, through foresight and calcula- 
tion. The success which is obtained by circumstances, com- 
paratively fortuitous, will always be placed low on the scale of 
excellence by impartial judges. They know that sometimes 
man is but the instrument of an order of things, to which he 
himself is as much subjected as those whom he vanquishes. 
Nor is the virtue of foresight alone sufficient to entitle its pos- 
sessor to the name of Great. It is necessary that his actions 
should be the result of the purest intentions, and produce a 
useful and durable effect upon the community to which he be- 
longs. At first view it appears impossible for a soldier to pro- 
duce such an effect, as the object of his profession is to destroy. 
But if the love of glory and noble enthusiasm with which he 
inspires the hearts of the men under his command, are capable 
of being disseminated through the nation at large ; if it is of 
advantage for a people to be freed from all apprehension of an 
attack from their powerful neighbours, and to have their 
weight in the balance of power augmented ; if the rapidity of 
conquests renders the burthen of them less onerous, we may 
safely say that a warrior can have a beneficial and permanent 
influence in increasing the happiness of his country. 

Did Souvarof conduct so many brilliant campaigns, and lead 
his comrades to victory so often, because circumstances were 
always propitious to his triumphs, or did he draw lessons in 
the art of war from the experience of ages and conquer be- 
cause he adopted proper measures to conquer ? Were his plans 
directed by the whim of the moment, or founded on an inti- 
mate acquaintance with the character of his co-ad jutors ? Did 
he combat the different nations against whom he waged war, 
regulating his conduct by the natural, political and moral si- 
tuation of each, or had he one method for all ? Did he sincere- 
ly love his country and glory, or was he a spoiler, voracious 
of carnage and plunder? Upon the answers to these questions 
will depend the decision, which will assign him a place among 



SOUVAROF. 27 

the great men of the world, or stamp him as an impostor, con- 
cealed under a mask of originality, and receiving applauses 
really not his due. The formation of this decision will be the 
useful part of the present work. 

Among the means hy which we arc to be led towards this 
essential object, may be placed anecdotes of Souvarof himself 
or of those persons who were connected with him ; the expo- 
sition of their principles and actions ; reflections on the caus- 
es of the wars in which he distinguished himself; geographi- 
cal and moral delineations of the countries which were the 
scenes of his exploits ; digressions upon politics and war ; ob- 
servations upon the general progress of society in Russia ; in 
a word, the history of that country and Europe, so far as it 
may be illustrative of our subject. These are all episodes to 
which we shall occasionally resort, for the purpose of enliven- 
ing the dry narrative of facts, and adding drapery to the nak- 
ed biography. 

Alexander Souvarof descended of an ancient and noble fa- 
mily, was born in 1730, in Livonia, a country proverbially 
productive of good soldiers. When the Swedes ceded Livonia 
to Peter the Great, the grandfather of Souvarof attached him- 
self to the service of this prince, and had no reason to com- 
plain of his treatment. His son, Basil, father of Alexander, 
was employed in many negociations by the Russian court. 
His fortune, however, was not large, and this circumstance 
probably convinced him of the necessity of giving such an 
education to his only son, as would enable him to rise by the 
force of his qualifications. Persuaded tiiat a residence near 
the court was more likely to create that importance which is 
generally attached to riches alone, and even riches themselves, 
than a situation in the camp, he chalked out for his son the 
same patli that he himself had pursued through life ; and from 
this single circumstance, which proves that the bent of genius 
cannot always be discovered* the celebrated general who af- 



28 THE LIFE OF 

forwards evinced suck transcendant military talents, and who 
would have preferred serving in the ranks as a common sol- 
dier to an entire renunciation of arms, was doomed to wield 
the pen instead of the sword. But Souvarof, like other un- 
common men, soon felt the nature of his powers, and the pros- 
pect of a tranquil and luxurious life, yielded to the force of 
his ruling passion.— Scarcely had he entered upon the thresh- 
hold of youth, when his father was compelled to renounce his 
hopes of seeing him a civilian, and to decide upon educating 
him as a soldier. This resolution being taken, every auxilia- 
ry plan was adopted, to carry it into complete effect. As soon 
as he was capable of reading with advantage, the best histo- 
rical works were put into his hands. By this means the dispo- 
sitions which we inherit from nature are developed and 
strengthened, as history contains models of every species of 
character, and every one in perusing it finds some particular 
one which suits his taste and which he wishes to resemble. 
Souvarof did not hesitate to choose Alexander, Hannibal, 
Csesar and Charles XII. To this last he was particularly 
attached, and this fondness manifested in his tender years, in- 
dicates the analogous traits in his budding character to some of 
the qualities of the Swedish hero, those of intrepidity, bold- 
ness and decision. But we must not infer that he possessed 
the rashness of the Swede, although the vigour of his enter- 
prises and the astonishing celerity of his movements appear 
to justify such a suspicion. To clear it away effectually, it 
need only be mentioned that the character of Montecuculli was 
also one of his greatest favourites. This is sufficient to prove 
that boldness was not his dominant characteristic, when un- 
supported by reflection and calculation. Although he believ- 
ed that a general should carry on war with energy, yet he 
thought it should be tempered and regulated by the light of 
experience and prudence. 

Souvarof completed by his own efforts the education which 
fus father had begun. He applied himself to the study of mi- 



SOUVAROF. 29 

litary works, became familiar with the actions of renowned 
generals, and inspired by their example, and before lie had 
the least acquaintance with the practice, was deeply versed in 
the theory, of the military profession* 

In the mean time fortune was not propitious to his rising me- 
rit. His father, from having destined him to another profes- 
sion, had neglected to enroll him at his birth in a regiment of 
the guards ; a method to which the nobles resort, to secure a 
high rank for their sons when they become capable of assuming 
it. The consequence of this omission was, that the young 
Souvarof was compelled to pass in person through the differ- 
ent grades, which he would otherwise have filled fictitiously 
before quitting his mother's arms. It was not until he had 
been for some years a private, afterwards for some time a cor- 
poral in a regiment of guards, that he was raised to the rank of a 
Subaltern officer, then about nineteen years of age. This slow 
promotion and consequent experience of the feelings and duties 
of the different grades, were certainly useful to him. A know- 
ledge of human nature can be acquired oidy by an association 
with the subordinate classes of society. Such a coin-mixture 
may be considered as a test of ability ; for it will either de- 
grade or improve, according to the noble or grovelling nature 
of the soul. 

After having served with much zeal in the guards, and ac- 
quired the esteem of his companions, Souvarof was appointed 
in 175* a lieutenant in the regular army. But his promotion 
after this period, became more rapid, as we find him a lieute- 
nant colonel in 1757. At this stage of his military advance- 
ment, the theatre of war opened before him, and he entered up- 
on it, to lay the foundation of his reputation. Those talents 
which he was soon to exhibit, drew him from the com- 
mon road, the instant that an opportunity offered of his deparf 
ing from it. 



30 THE LIFE OF 

Europe was at this time in flames. The fourth campaign of 
that sanguinary and memorable war, known by the name of 
the seven year's war,* had just commenced. A monarch, fee- 
ble in physical resources, but rich in those which he drew from 
himself, sustained a struggle against three powers, either of 
which possessed and commanded forces sufficiently numerous 
to annihilate his empire. But whether Heaven, designing to 
erect anew monarchy in the heart of Europe, permitted its 
infancy to be environed with perils, in order to shew the world 
that the utmost efforts of man are fruitless, when contending 
against the decrees of Almighty Providence ; or whether in 
the nature of things the contradictory interests of a coalition 
diminish its effect, the play of the machine being enfeebled by 
thc multitude of its springs, it is certain that the combined 
armies of France, Austria and Russia, only served as instru- 
ments in the hands of the Prussian Hero, to reap a rich har- 
vest of laurels to adorn his brow. 

The king of France had engaged in this war, merely to 
gratify his animosity towards the king of Prussia. Upon prin- 
ciples of policy, his conduct was utterly inexplicable. Prussia 
might have been considered by France in the triple light, of a 
balance to the power of Austria, a curb to the ambition of Rus- 
sia, whose gigantic arms threatened to embrace all Europe, 
and a substitute in the equilibrium of the North for Sweden, 
unnerved by the mad wars of Charles XII. Russia, on the 
other hand, could have had no interest in the destruction of 
Prussia ; for although nature had furnished her with almost 
insurmountable barriers against the invasions of France, yet 
the existence of Prussia would check and restrain the aggran- 
disement of that power in Germany and Holland. In relation 
to Austria, the stability of Prussia was of vital importance to 
Russia; whether she turned her eyes to Poland or extended 
her views to Turkey, with the intention of seizing upon part 

* So called from the time of its duration. 



SOUVAROF. 31 

of their territories, she found in Austria a formidable rival* 
covetous from juxta-posit ion of the same tract of country, and 
to whom it would be equally advantageous. Prussia on the 
contrary, could have had no prospect of partaking in the spoils 

of Turkey, and would have readily lent her aid to plunder 
Poland, content with the share assigned her by Russia. Under 
all these different views then, it was contrary to the interest of 
Russia to sacrifice Prussia ; but it was the height of absurdi- 
ty to sacrifice her to Austria. 

Russia, however, chose to think otherwise, and was in- 
stigated by motives similar to those which animated Fiance. 
The empress Elizabeth had conceived a violent hatred to 
Frederick II. which the empress queen, Maria Theresa, 
had had the art to create, by representing him as the only 
obstacle to the accomplishment of one of Elizabeth's fa- 
vourite projects, that of enabling Russia to interfere in the 
afTairs of Germany. Austria had thus succeeded in draw- 
ing France and Russia into a war entirely foreign to their 
interests, and the benefits of which were to result to her 
alone ; for had Prussia been permitted to attract to itself as a 
centre, the several planetary protcstant states, a system 
would have been formed radically different from the old 
one, and a new Germanic confederation erected upon the ruins 
of the ancient and imperial House of Austria. The means j 
which the component powers of the combination possessed 
of obtaining the accomplishment of their wishes, were ) 
exactly in inverse proportion to their interest in success ; 
for Austria, to whom the humiliation of Prussia was most 
essential, from the narrow and contracted scale of her ope- 
rations, attacked her to the least advantage: whilst France, 
less deeply and inveterately hostile to the common enemy, 
found comparatively few impediments to her incursions. 
Nothing prevented her troops from passing the Rhine ; and 
her failure in the object of the campaign must be ascribed 
only to the length of the line of operations, and consequent 



Si THE LIFE OF 

expense which she was obliged to incur, Russia, on the 
other hand, who had evidently but little reason to wisli for 
the annihilation of the Prussian monarchy, was the power 
most likely to accomplish it. Facts have demonstrated that 
her armies could with little difficulty cross the Vistula and 
even the Oder, inundate Prussia from the north and east 
with their numerous battalions, and devastate the country 
through its whole extent, with as much ease as a vulture 
lacerates his prey. What divine arm was stretched forth to 
save Frederick from the ruin to which he had been devoted 
by such terrible enemies ? Who was able to weaken the 
blows of his adversaries, among whom we discern Souvarof? 
We must believe however, that if this bold and indefatigable 
warrior had directed, without control, the movements of the 
Russian troops, Prussia and her monarch would have been 
trodden to the dust. But let us not anticipate events ; neither 
the age nor character of our hero is yet ripe enough to verify 
our prediction. 

Souvarof joined the army under the command of field 
marshal count Soltikof in 1759, and for the first time wit- 
nessed in person the war which he had so often contemplat- 
ed in perspective. Happily for Prussia the operations of the 
Russians, like those of all former years, were extremely 
tardy. The multitude that composed their armies ; the dif- 
ficulty of collecting magazines for their support ; the exces- 
sive irregularity of their light troops, which prevented them 
from profiting by the resources of the country in which they 
were, and obliged them to draw all their supplies from home, 
and a habit common to all novices in war, of groping instead 
of seeing their way in every tiling, were circumstances that 
augmented the sluggishness of their marches to such a de- 
gree, as to prevent them from reaching the theatre of war 
before the middle of summer, though they left their own 
frontiers in the month of April. The commencement of au- 
tumn furnished them with an excuse for returning to com- 



SOUVAROF. 35 

fortablc quarters at home ; and whether they returned as 
conquerors or conquered, was a matter perfectly indifferent 
to them. The troops which thirty years afterwards, under 
the command of Souvarof, were the most expeditious in the 
world, were at this time absolutely models of laziness and 
inactivity. It is probable however, that the different manner 
in which Frederick conducted his campaign, the vigor of his 
movements and celerity of his marches, proved a fertile 
source of instruction to Souvarof, and that he first derived 
from this hero the foundation of the bold daring system 
which he afterwards practised with such energy at the head 
of his redoubtable band of warriors. 

But slowness was not the only reproach of the Russian 
armies. The most judicious of the military writers of the 
last age, general Lloyd, remarks, with regard to the cam- 
paign of 1757, that they had no consistent and uniform plan 
of operations, and appeared to be ignorant of every tiling 
beyond alternate predatory incursions and retreats, and 
adds, that in all probability, they never would know how to 
conduct a war. The severity of this decision arises from 
Lloyd's having been a rigid and finished disciplinarian : who 
could not endure the least taint of barbarism, either in the 
plan or the execution $ but he should have reflected that it 
requires time to mature the genius and institutions of a peo- 
ple. The two last Turkish wars, the exploits of Romanzof, 
of Repnin, of Gallatzin, the conquest of the Crimea by 
Potemkin, and that of Poland and Italy by Souvarof, have es- 
tablished their national character, and are sufficient to satisfy 
even the scrupulous mind of Lloyd, that under the auspices of 
such leaders as we have mentioned, the Russians at length 
know how to conduct a war. 

If they were not familiar with the arcana of the science, 

during the seven year's war, they at least possessed one of the 

essential requisites of a good army, the power of commanding 

K 



3* THE LIFE OF 

themselves. The battle of Kunersdorf, in the campaign of 
1759, the first engagement in which Souvarof bore a part, af- 
fords a striking and sanguinary illustration of the existence of 
this indispensable qualification. It is true that to a political 
historian this battle would be comparatively uninteresting, as 
the result of it was not decisive ; but in a military point of 
view, it must be considered as important and remarkable, from 
its frightful bloodshed and carnage. We see at Kunersdorf a 
consummate captain, at the head of valorous troops, for a long 
time trained and disciplined by him with the utmost care ; a 
prince whose reputation would not only have been increased, 
but whose kingdom would have been preserved from menacing 
dangers by victory, and who, forgetful of his accustomed pru- 
dence, thought himself sure of defeating his enemy, * even be- 
fore he came in sight of him, attack with a boldness backed 
by every effort of his genius, a general who now commanded 
in chief, for the first time in his life, supported by soldiers un- 
skilled in battles, but despising death, as their duty to their 
religion, their country and their sovereign, required it of them ; 
we see these soldiers, in the struggle of national courage 
against disciplined bravery, defeating the most dexterous ma- 
noeuvres of the enemy, by their unbending obstinacy, and fi- 
nally carrying off the palm of victory, merely from their in- 
trepidity and contempt of death. 

In this battle, gouvarof gave proofs of his courage and in- 
telligence, which presaged his future greatness. If we may 
be allowed to conjecture the thoughts of his youth from the 
actions of his age, he must have been chagrined at the ill use 
that Soltikof made of his brilliant victory, since he was con- 

* A few hours before the battle, one of the duke Ferdinand of Bruns- 
wick's aids arrived with the account of the defeat of the French at Min- 
den. " As I intend to attack the Russians presently" replied Frederick 
" wait here for a short time, that you may carry back to the Duke, a piece 
of intelligence as important as that which he has sent to me." The cou- 
rier returned, however with a different story. 




SOUVAROF. 

tent with sending a detachment of Cossacks to harrasstherc- 
treaiing Prussians. Had lie, on the contrary, pursued them 
with his whole army, and effected a junction with the Austri- 
ans, which he might easily have done, the Prussian army, re- 
duced to sixty thousand exhausted men, could not for an in- 
stant have defended its territories against an overwhelming 
force of two hundred thousand victorious troops, and Frede- 
rick must have been irrecoverably lost. In the course of the 
seven year's war, this phenomenon frequently occurs ; and 
even after a dear-bought victory, we see Prussia often trem- 
bling on the brink of a precipice. This state appeared to be 
destined to give an illustrious example of the superiority of 
moral over physical strength, by showing how strenuously the 
combination of a great leader with a spirited people could re- 
sist and repel the force of armies which seemed sufficient to 
crush and annihilate them in a moment. — Had Souvarof con- 
sulted only the principles of the military art, he must have re- 
pined at the inaction of count Soltikof ; but had he been guid- 
ed by the feelings of his heart, he could not have regretted the 
escape of Frederick from those toils, which impolitic or ambi- 
tious enemies had w r ound around him. 

The merit of Souvarof was now rapidly bursting forth, and 
acquired for him the esteem of many of his generals. Amongst 
those who ardently sought his friendship was count Ferncor, 
a chief distinguished for zeal, activity and talents, and who 
engaged in war from passion rather than ambition. He had 
yielded the supreme command to count Soltikof, and reserved 
to himself that portion of the army which was most frequent- 
ly in the presence of the enemy . This was exactly the post 
which suited Souvarof. He was constantly with the advanced 
guard. He accompanied all detachments, took an active part 
in all expeditions, and sought with avidity every opportunity 
of partaking in danger and glory. In the numerous skirmish- 
es which occur between the out posts of armies in the vicinity 
of each other, ho displayed that brilliant conra^e, thr^t umvea 



36 THE LIFE OF 

ried perseverance, that correctness of view, that promptness 
in the dis covery of resources, and that art in animating his 
men, which in his future life contributed so materially to his 
success. 

In the following year 1760, the Russians under the com- 
mand of the generals Tchernichef and Tottleben, captured 
and plundered Berlin. Souvarof assisted in this expedition 
which was calculated to yield more profit than honor. It was 
easy for them to penetrate with their numerous armies into a 
country which was open and unprotected ; for the King of 
Prussia not having forces enough to face all his enemies, was 
obliged to concentrate them and leave his frontiers unguarded. 
From this unfortunate cause too, he was unable to defend his 
capital ; and he was compelled to witness the mournful spec- 
tacle of the entire demolition in one day, of those establish- 
ments which his economy and taste had been years in erecting, 
for the accommodation of his subjects, or the embellishment of 
his residence. But though this blow humbled, it did not sub- 
due him. Two important military principles may be deduced 
from the events we have just mentioned — 1st. That the pos- 
session of the Capital dees not decide the fate of a State or 
even a campaign ; and 2d. That in the modern art of war, 
men are of more importance than fortified places, and that a 
general should never acknowledge himself vanquished though 
all his strong holds be subdued, if he retains his soldiers and 
his constancy. The firm intrepidity of Frederick was still 
left him, and he defied all Europe at the head of his excellent 
troops, who could be sometimes beaten but never dispersed 
whilst they had such a leader around whom to rally. When 
driven from Brandeburg, he retreated into Silesia and Bohe- 
mia ; when forced to evacuate Silesia, he revenged himself up- 
on Saxony. He was thus always in force, and at last wearied 
his antagonists out. Sovaurof professed his principles and 
adopted his conduct. Certain of the ascendancy which a man 
of genius acquires over other men, he placed the most anli- 



SOUVAROF. ST 

mited confidence in his soldiers, and the world knows what he 
accomplished at their head. 

In 1761, the Russians under the command of Marshal 
Bouttourlin, always in considerable numbers, were more in- 
active than they had been in the preceding years. Bouttour- 
lin did not however imitate the example of his predecessors in 
omitting to profit by his victories, for he obtained none to pro- 
fit by ; but persevered in remaining so completely at rest, that 
it must be looked upon as a favor from Heaven to the King of 
Prussia. After idling away apart of the summer in Silesia, 
the Russian general resolved to evacuate it, in consequence of 
some altercations with the Austrian commander Laudon. This 
intention was coanminicated to Frederick. Knowing that 
the season was not far enough advanced to admit of their go- 
ing into winter quarters, and fearful that so large a body of 
men might undertake some enterprise, injurious to his interest, 
he determined to ensure their retreat into the interior of Po- 
land, and accordingly dispatched general Plathcn with a de- 
tachment of the army to destroy their magazines at Posen. 
The expedition however failed through the activity of gene- 
ral Berg, who covered the town with the light troops of the 
Russian army. Souvarof commanded a division of Hussars 
and Cossacks in this corps, and contributed more than any 
other officer, both by his manoeuvres and example, to foil the 
attacks of the enemy, and to induce the men to bear with 
eheerfulncss the fatigues and privations to which they were 
subjected. The body of the army moved into Pomerania to 
countenance the operations of the siege of Colberg, which 
count Romanzof had undertaken in the beginning of the sum- 
mer. The rest of the campaign consisted merely in efforts on 
the part of the Prussians to throw supplies into the place, and 
endeavours by the Russians to counteract them. In the pet- 
ty war to which this state of things gave rise, Souvarof dis- 
tinguished himself by vexatioasly and continually harrassing 



38 THE LIFE OF 

the Prussians. Enterprises of greater pith and moment than 
are usually entrusted to a lieutenant colonel, were committed 
to his care. At the head of eight squadrons of hussars and 
Cossacks, he overthrew in the environs of Stargard the Prus- 
sian general Schenkendorf, killed five hundred of his men and 
took as many prisoners. A few days afterwards he had a live- 
ly skirmish with colonel de la Motte Courbieres, who com- 
manded the advanced guard of general Plathen. He had de- 
feated the hussars and was pursuing them with four squadrons 
of mounted grenadiers, when Souvarof came up with his Cos- 
sacks, routed the grenadiers and rallied his hussars, and 
charged two battalions who composed the infantry of the 
corps so furiously, that in spite of their fire, though they had 
formed a square to receive him, he compelled them to lay down 
their arms. These successes obliged the Prussians to give up 
all hope of relieving Colberg ; and the campaign terminated 
with its surrender. The Russians retired into winter quarters, 
and issued from them in the spring, only to return peacably to 
their homes. The empress Elizabeth was dead ; and her suc- 
cessor Peter III. was as enthusiastic in his admiration of the 
king of Prussia, as Elizabeth was inveterate in her hatred. 
Peace was speedily concluded, and if time had been allowed 
him, the new king would have entered into an active alliance 
with Frederick. But his wife put an end to all his projects. 
She removed from his pusillanimous brow, a crown which his 
feebleness could not wear ; and under the name of Catharine 
II. seated herself upon the throne which her husband had dis- 
graced by his puerilities. Intent upon maintaining her usur- 
pation and stabilitating her power, she perceived that peace 
was necessary for both, and accordingly negociated one with 
the king of Prussia ; sedulously confining herself, however, 
within the bounds of a strict neutrality. Souvarof was re- 
warded for his past services, by being appointed to the rank 
of colonel, in August 1762, and nominated to the command of 
Hie regiment of Astrachan, in garrison at Petersburg. 



SOLVAKOF. 89 



CHAPTER II. 

Commencement of the reign of Catharine II — War of the Confe- 
deration of Poland — Causes of the war— Exploits of Sou- 
varqf— First partition of Poland. 

AVE have arrived at the period in the history of Russia, 
from which we may date the commencement of that impor- 
tant part which she acted during the last age, aud the origin 
of that preponderance which her politics and military suc- 
cesses enabled her to assume in the affairs of Europe. This 
acquisition of influence has been so enormous, that she is at 
this day regarded by the most ancient and powerful states, as 
one of the main pillars of the political fabric, when a century 
ago her name was scarcely known. 

Nature had made this nation formidable, but ignorance prc- 
ventcd thein from seeing the extent of their power. It was 
a woman who first communicated to them a progressive mo- 
tion of improvement, and raised them to that height, to which 
they had previously no pretension. This circumstance adds 
to the wonder of this singular spectacle. It is true, that this 
woman was assisted by men of genius ; but then she may 
claim the exclusive merit of distinguishing them among the 
croud of courtiers, of exciting and encouraging their exer- 
tions* and of raising many of them from the obscurity to 
which their birth and fortune had consigned them, to the en- 
viable privilege of co-operating in the improvement of their 
country. By thus discerning hidden talents and sustaining 
them against all party intrigues, this great princess at length 
rendered her people the most formidable in Europe, and her 
reign one of the most illustrious in modern history. From 
tho moment of her accession to the throne, the new system 



40 THE LIFE OF 

was distinctly observed, and its effect might have been as dis- 
tinctly foreseen. She roused the nation from the profound 
repose in which they had been ingloriously indulging under 
the indolent Elizabeth, and shook off the despondency which 
the short but absurd tyranny of Peter III. had created. The 
spirit of reform was introduced into the administration of the 
civil, military and naval departments, and care was taken that 
the people should be gratified with the revival of those customs 
which were exploded, and the preservation of those which 
remained. Catharine professed a great regard for the Russian 
habits, manners and language ; but at the same time, she 
extracted whatever she thought useful from the usages of 
those states in Europe, whose institutions had been sanctioned 
by experience. She did not, like the empress Anne, require 
to be served by strangers alone ; nor did she, like Elizabeth, 
proscribe them altogether. But, adopting the middle path, 
she received them kindly, consulted them, profited by their 
wisdom, and rewarded them nobly, without advancing them 
over the heads of the Russians. By this address, she satisfied 
the pride of those who thought that a generous hospitality 
should be exercised towards strangers, and far from irritating 
her subjects, disposed them to receive with complacency the 
lessons which would direct their youth, and enlighten their 
inexperience. 

The foreign politics of Catherine were still more widely 
different than her internal regulations, from the system of her 
predecessors. On her ascension to the throne, she conceived 
the project (from which she never departed) of profitting by 
the dissensions of Germany and indifference of France, to 
obtain the regulation of the balance of power in Europe and 
enable herself to dictate terms to the different cabinets, 
by becoming the arbitress of their decisions. To arrive to 
at this much desired object, she abandoned the system of en- 
tangling alliances, by which the views and means of Russia 
>verc made to subserve the interests of other courts, instead 



SOUVAROF. 1 1 

of conducing to her own advantage and aggrandisement. 
With the penetration of a superior mind, she perceived that 
she had nothing to gain by becoming a party to their wars, 
except the doubtful profit of receiving money in exchange for 
men ; and that her interest led her to engage in wars in 
which Europe could not intefere. She cast a longing eye on 
the domains of Poland and Turkey ; the one as an inexhaus- 
tible mine of riches, the other as the canal and depot of an ex- 
tensive commerce, and both as admirable nurseries of soldiers. 
She was not insensible of the difficulty of subjecting them by 
force ; but actual force was meant to be employed only in 
striking the last decisive blow. The great weapon that she 
intended to wield was that celebrated maxim Divide et Im~ 
pera. Hitherto it had been used chiefly by princes to 
strengthen their power in their own kingdoms by establishing 
an equilibrium between the different orders of society; but 
Catherine tried its efficacy in adjusting the neighbouring na- 
tions. She saw that Poland was condemned to anarchy 
through the vice of its constitution, that the king and his 
subjects were in a continual struggle for superiority. She 
saw Turkey composed of various nations, which differed from 
each other in religion and manners ; and exposed to a worse 
anarchy than that which enfeebled Poland ; an insubordina- 
tion of the people to a government, which could inspire only 
sentiments of fear, horror, or disg st. Cat .erine judged 
wisely in supposing that these jarring elements might be 
shaken into a chaos, extremely favourable to her purpose, as 
in such a state there can be no resistance to a regular and 
well digested attack. When this cunning scheme of policy 
becomes interwoven into the plans of the cabinets of Europe 
(for they have always been inclined to adopt it) and expe- 
rience convinces them of its efficacy in increasing the means 
of annoyance and diminishing the power of opposition, it will 
be the cause of continual and sanguinary revolutions, until 
the whole social edifice is prostrated and another erected in 
its place. 

F 



42 THE LIFE OF 

In order to accomplish the important designs which the 
empress meditated, it was necessary for her to attract the eyes 
of Europe to her empire, and accustom it gradually to feel 
her influence in the political system. The measures of Ca- 
therine for this purpose were adopted with an address of which 
a man would have been incapable ; and this is not the only 
instance which might be urged in support of the position, that, 
a woman endowed by nature with the gift of genius, and thus 
partaking of the qualities of the other sex, without losing the 
peculiar characteristics of her own, is really superior- in 
range of abilities to a man. Uniting brilliant wit and solid 
information to the seductive fascination of the graces, and 
an amiable temper, Catherine made her court the centre of 
the arts and sciences, of politeness and taste. She fixed 
upon Petersburg the attention of astonished Europe; the 
philosopher wished to contemplate this new world ; the diplo- 
matist directed to this point all his speculations ; the artist 
considered it as a noble field for his exertions, and the poet 
regarded it as the genuine country of his hopes. 

The croud of strangers who poured in upon the Russian 
court were all welcomed and enriched, and returned to their 
own country sounding its praises and the magnificence of its 
immortal empress. It was necessary especially to gain over the 
French, as it was their office to distribute and apportion Euro- 
pean fame. Neither advances nor flattery nor entertain- 
ments were spared to accomplish this object. The empress 
even consented to steal a little time from the cares of govern- 
ment, to enter into a correspondence with the literary men of 
France; and this incense inflaming their ardent tempers, 
like fire falling upon powder, she succeeded beyond her 
hopes. The colossal grandeur of the empire was exaggerated, 
and its power deemed commensurate with its immense ex- 
tent. Russia was supposed to be able to subdue every other 
state, because she was invincible at home; and the boundaries 
of her prosperity placed so distant from each other, that even 
to this day she has not filled the intermediate space. 



SOUVAROF. 

In the mean time Catherine proceeded regularly in the plan 
which she had conceived* Poland was the first object of her 
iittention. Having concluded peace with Prussia and declared 
her neutrality, she recalled the troops which had already 
penetrated into Germany, and caused them to retire into the 
interior of Russia. A corps of fifteen thousand however 
stopped in Courland, in order to terminate the discussions 
which had arisen between Russia and Poland, respecting the 
choice of a soverign for the latter country. A corps of two 
thousand men remained also in garrison at Graudontz, a 
small town, in Poland, important and strong from its heing 
built on a height and surrounded by a marsh. The reason 
assigned to dissatisfied Poland, for the retention of this town, 
was, that the pro visions collected for the campaign which had 
not taken place, might be preserved from waste. The rest 
of the Russian army remained in that part of Russia conti- 
guous to Poland, and in this menacing attitude, held itself 
ready to execute any orders which its sovereign might think 
fit to issue. 

Imprudent Poland stretched out her own hands to receive 
the chains in which Catharine wished to bind her. The 
Poles, estimable for their courage and love of liberty, main- 
tained tiie extraordinary and unexampled pretension of car- 
rying into civil society the absolute independence of the savage 
state. This was confined, however, to the nobles, the des- 
cendants of the Sclavi, who conquered Poland in the fourth 
century. These barbarians reduced tiie primitive population 
of the country to a state of slavery, under which their poste- 
rity still groaned at the period of which we are speaking. The 
whole nation was thus divided into masters and slaves, with- 
out any intermediate classes; and such was the perfect equa- 
lity between the former, that in their deliberations upon the 
public interests, one voice was sufficient to reject a law, 
which the rest had then no power to enforce. If all the inha- 
bitants had been freemen of this kind, the civil society would 



4i, THE LIFK OF 

either have been dissolved from the force of internal disor- 
der, or they would have seen the necessity of establishing an 
energetic constitution, and laws which should be equally obli- 
gatory upon all. But the slaves whom the nobles possessed ; 
who cultivated the earth and kept up the natural existence of 
Poland, while their masters were quarrelling to prevent her 
from assuming any moral character, furnished these nobles 
With the means of perpetuating anarchy, in the heart of the 
country for ages, without producing a dissolution of all social 
ties. Instead of being one entire body, Poland found herself 
separated into a number of little societies, in which some sort 
of order may be said to have existed, as each one had its chief. 
But then these little societies were so unequal in the extent 
and fertility of their possessions, and the number of their 
slaves, that there arose among the nobles an aristocracy of 
wealth. Thus there was not only anarchy in the state, but 
anarchy in the different factions. Although this was ruinous 
to the dignity, tranquility and happiness of the nation, it was 
not as dreadful as the utter dissolution of all social order, 
which must have been the consequence, if all had been free- 
men. It is probable that this state of things would have re- 
sulted in the preponderance of some one faction, and the es- 
tablishment of an hereditary monarchy in Poland, if unfor- 
tunately for her, the neighbouring nations had not far outstrip- 
ped her in the career of civilization. But we have only to 
observe her, surrounded by powerful monarchies which had 
at their command disciplined and permanent armies to exe- 
cute the schemes of a regular system of politics, and witness 
their actual interference in her internal concerns, by tam- 
pering with the factions ; and it is easy to see that it was the 
natural course of things for Poland to fall a prey to the rapa- 
city of her neighbours. 

This was precisely what Catharine foresaw, and wished to 
effect. Pretexts against a nation who commit many political 
imprudences are never wanting to an empress. The one 



SOUVAROF. 45 

which she adopted, however was rather singular. It was to 
maintain the freedom and purity of the Polish constitution 
against the attempts which the king was making to invade it. 
But the king happening to die, she pretended that her object 
was to give them a king of her own choosing. She pitched 
upon the young count Poniatowski, her former lover, as the 
person whom she wished to seat upon the throne. As it was 
impossible for this choice to be approved of by the majority of 
the nation, she knew that its effect would be to weaken Poland 
still further by irritating the different factions against each 
other, and to give her the concurrence and assistance of one 
party who would call in the aid of her troops and thus facili- 
tate the meditated invasion. In case of success, she knew 
that Poniatowski was devoted to her, and would give her 
more direction than himself, over the affairs of his kingdom. 
But these events did not happen with as little disturbance as 
Catharine had supposed. At a time when the Russians had 
already invaded Poland and subdued most of its strong 
places, one hundred gentlemen of the country, stimulated by 
patriotism, and listening only to despair, assembled in a small 
town and formed a confederation for the expulsion of the 
strangers who opposed them. Unfortunately for so good a 
cause, their number was small, and their first measures were 
taken with a precipitation which necessity perhaps required, 
but which certainly proved injurious to their party. The Rus- 
sian troops, better prepared than their adversaries, were 
immediately put in motion to prevent the confederates from 
having time to increase their forces. Then commenced the 
war known by the name of the war of the confederation of 
Poland, in which Souvarof manifested more and more his mili- 
tary genius, and advanced in the construction of that edifice 
of brilliant reputation and success, whieh his merit and bra- 
very afterwards completed. At this epocli he was at Peters- 
burg, at the head of his regiment. Catharine was surround- 
ed in the first years of her reign, with select troops, and the 
officers whom she supposed most intrepid and most devoted to 



*6 THE LIFE OF 

her person. But this was a moment when the service of her 
faithful warriors was more essential in the field than in the 
protection of her throne. Souvarof, therefore, received orders 
in November 1769, to march into Poland with his own regi- 
ment and another which was put under his command, and join 
the army destined to act against the confederates. On this 
occasion he was appointed a brigadier general. To evince 
his zeal in obedience, he inarched a thousand vcrsts*, or near 
two hundred and fifty leagues in the space of one month, in a 
detestable season, and arrived in Poland to take his share in 
the war without having allowed his troops the least time for 
refreshment. 

The supreme command of the army was entrusted to count 
Weymarn, an experienced officer, of a crafty and intriguing 
disposition. This last quality was extremely useful in a par* 
tizan war, which docs not require great manoeuvres and exten- 
sive plans, but the art of which consists in preventing the 
junction of detached parties, in destroying them in detail, and 
in enveloping the movements and designs of the commander 
in the greatest uncertainty. The Poles had been so often 
conquered by being divided among themselves, and the indis- 
creet nobles were so ready to imbibe the germs of discord that 
were sown among them, that their enemies regarded this 
method of subjugation as infallible. Half of the nation was 
already in arms against the other half. The king and the diet, 
terrified by the menaces of the Russian ambassadorf, con- 

* Dr. Clarke states the Russian verst to be equal to two-thirds of an En- 
glish mile. This calculation would make the distance six hundred and sixty- 
six and two. thirds English miles. Two hundred and fifty Trench leagues 
are upwards of six hundred and eighty English miles. am. tr. 

f This ambassador was prince Itepnin. He treated the Poles with a sin- 
gular and excessive degree of haughtiness and violence, but whether it was 
in obedience to his orders, or the consequence of mis own disposition, cannot 
at this late day be decided. However this may be, it could not have be«i> 



SOUVAROF. 47 

sented to apply to the empress for assistance ; so that Catha- 
rine appeared to be aiding the legitimate and constituted au- 
thority of Poland, by declaring the confederates rebels, and 
sending her troops to punish them as traitors, when in truth 
their object was to shake off a foreign yoke, and restore to 
their country her liberty, her constitution and her rights. 

On arriving at Warsaw where he fixed his head quarters as 
a centre from which every movement could be overlooked, 
count Weymarn divided his army into numerous bodies, sta- 
tioning them in the provinces most favourable to the insur- 
gents, or into which he was apprehensive the spirit of the 
confederation would spread, These corps were placed in 
such a manner, that they could receive frequent intelligence 
from each other, and the only manoeuvre that they had to per- 
form, was to approach each other, advancing in a semi-circu- 
lar form so as to drive the confederates gradually to one 
point, where they could all be destroyed at one blow. By 
this dexterous plan the spirit of resistance was prevented 
from spreading; or if the provinces in the rear of the Rus- 
sian army were infected with it, they were cut of! from all 
communication with the interior and of themselves, were too 
weak to be formidable. Souvarof was sent to Lublin, a little 
nearer to the centre of Poland, and was already honoured 
with the confidence of count Weymarn as his activity was 
signally useful in that desultory species of warfare. In addi- 

supposed that in a fierce and almost savage nation, among whom personal 
vengeance was frequently resorted to, no individual coiVd have been found 
daring enough to expose himself to every danger, rather than submit to be 
trampled upon bv astranger. We cannot say that civilization had produced 
the effect upon them (which it has upon so many others) of lessening their 
exalted notions of honor ; for they were not exceedingly civilized. Their 
disgrace must then be attributed to a radical defect in their character, or ra- 
ther a defect which had been caused by a long state of anarchy. From 
this circumstance we may more readily conceive, how they happened to 
undergo the fate which they experienced al ihe close »f the last century. 



is THE LIFE OF 

tion to the two regiments of infantry which he had under his 
command, the count gave him the regiment of Narva, the 
Carabiniers of Petersburg, a regiment of Cuirassiers and 
another of Cossacks. Tins corps forming a division of the 
army, Souvarof was promoted to a rank analogous to his 
new command, by being created a major general. 

For the space of a year before the arrival of count Wey- 
niarn, the Russian troops who were in Poland had been 
carrying on a war against the confederates, the more furious 
as Repnin who had the direction of it, was personally interes- 
ted in the annihilation of the confederation. He had persua- 
ded Catherine that from conviction, interest, or fear, the 
Poles would not make the least effort to break their chains, 
and she remained under this impression until facts convinced 
her of his deception or folly. But to extricate himself from 
his embarrassment, he had given the officers commanding the 
different expeditions to quiet the country, the strictest orders 
to hasten the destruction of the confederacy, and as he could 
discover no more expeditious method, commanded them to 
lay waste the provinces in which it flourished, and put the 
inhabitants to death. The Russians needed no stimulus to 
carnage, and we may imagine the scene which followed the 
faithful execution of these orders. But from a fatality which 
prolonged the scene of horrors, they were not strong enough 
to overwhelm the confederates at once, so that their persecu- 
tion only swelled each day the number of the devoted vic- 
tims. Repnin, on the other hand, did not describe the danger in 
its true extent and demand adequate re-inforcements, as it 
would have contradicted his former statement. The philoso- 
pher who contemplates this situation of things is obliged to 
lament for the sake of humanity, that there was not a greater 
number of blood-thirsty butchers.* 

* This correct and abridged narration of the evils which Russia inflic- 
ted upon Poland, would create a contemptuous idea of their national cha- 
racter, if the reflecting mind were to forget, how many strange contrasts 



SOUVAROF. ID 

The face of the country was extremely favourable to the 
increase of the number of the confederates and added to the 
difficulty of extirpating them entirely. All the iuterior of 

enter into the composition of man; how little, those actions which spring 
from the passions of our nature, are to be considered as proofs cf the true 
disposition ; how many disgusting vices are redeemed by the virtues upon 
which they border: and finally how much, frail, erring humanity is entitled 
to indulgence. 

A friend whose judgment we think discriminating and whom we wish we 
could name for the honour of this iwork, in the success of which he has 
kindly interested himself, has communicated to us his observations upon 
the Russian character, made after a long residence among them. We are 
convinced that these remarks are just, because they are consonant to the 
deductions of our own personal information. We insert them, because 
they terminate with an anecdote of the same prince Repnin that we have 
mentioned, although as much to his advantage, as our remarks are to his 
discredit. The services of prince Rcpnin have been so beneficial to his 
country, that we would gladly speak his eulogium, if truth did not require 
our censure — We give the note of our friend just as we received it. 

" The knowledge of the particular character of the Russian nobles and 
nation at large, becomes so interesting at a time when the influence of this 
empire is felt throughout Europe, and of course, the world, that it will 
doubtless appear useful to remark its principal traits. 

" The Russians unite to generous feelings of hospitality, a natural love 
of glory, which renders them capable of the sublimest efforts. They obey 
its dictates, though they lead to death itself— the recital of brave actions 
agitates them, and you may distinguish in the midst of the admiration which 
they excite, the most ardent desire to acquire celebrity. Riches are not the 
highest gifts which the Sovreign can bestow — and if we carefully stud) the 
Russian character, instead of repeating the remark of a {superficial writer. 
(M. Senac de Methian.) " I saio nothing in this empire , but diamonds and 
ribbons" we would admire the wisdom and power of the rulers of these 
vast territories, who have been able to attach such value to this currency of 
glory (monnaie de la glaire.) There is no action which cannot be sufficiently 
rewarded in their estimation by a badge of honour, and men have even died 
through grief, at not obtaining those distinctions to which they thought 



50 THE LIFE OF 

Poland is full of immense forests, into which vanquished 
troops may retire as a secure asylum, from their victorious 
pursuers. In these forests and even in the unwooded plains, 

themselves entitled. It may be pardonable to cite a story in support of this 
assertion, well known in Russia, although foreign to the life df Souvarof. 

" A brother of the last prince Repnin had obtained from the empreS9 
"Catherine II. the command of a corps of the army. Toward the conclu- 
*• sionof a brilliant campaign against the Turks, this general found himself 
"under the necessity of retreating, to avoid being surrounded by a superior 
•* force. Aware of the rapid marches of the Turkish cavalry, he ordered 
•• his troops to re-cross the Danube, and to protect their passage, remained 
" himself to direct the retreat. His troops had not yet rea«hed the opposite 
" bank of the river, when general Repnin waS attacked by such superior 
•* numbers, that it was almost hopeless to resist ; he did not surrender how- 
•• ever until every resource of valour was exhausted. The capture of a 
" Russian general gave this affair all the brilliancy of a victory to the eyes 
" of the Turks. The report and the suffrages of the army would not allow 
"Catherine to accuse her general of having tarnished the lustre of her 
"arms; but misled by the maxim of Mazarin, who trusted armies only to 
" fortunate generals, she resolved to employ him no more. 

"Silence and neglect inflicted a wound upon the brother of prince Rep- 
"nin, which nothing- could cure. He languished in retirement, and chagrin 
"soon terminated his life. The prince hastened to receive the last sigha 
*'of his beloved brother ; and soon under the necessity of performing the 
" last sad offices for him, resolved that they should be correspondent to 
" his birth and military services. He conducted the mournful procession to 
" the sepulchre of the princes of Repnin, and at the moment when the earth 
" was about to close over the body ot the general, the marshall approached 
" and ordered the coffin to be opened, and taking from his side a sword en- 
"riched with diamonds, which the empress Catherine had given him as the 
" reward of one of his victories. t( J\"o" said he, " my brother shall not des- 
" cend into the tomb, without one mark of honour ; this eivord, of which he -was 
u at -worthy as I am, shall be buried ivilh him." 

" This trait of character, so touching and so noble, is far from being the 
only one that history can furnish of Russian magnanimity ; and if the horri- 



SOUVAROF. 51 

the waters from having no outlet, have formed impassable 
marshes, and as it is necessary, of course, to skirt them, 
marches are rendered doubly fatiguing. In the heart of the 
country, where there never existed any regular police as the 
constitution itself prevented it, the population is scattered, 
the communication uncertain and hazardous, and the land 
reduced to cultivation but a small proportion of the whole, 
when compared with its extent, and the fertility of the soil. 
Subsistence is of course difficult to be procured. From these 
circumstances we may easily imagine the embarrassment of 
an army moving with all the equipage of war in the pursuit of 
light troops who could collect every day in small bodies, 
threatening a number of points at once. To prevent them 
from assembling their forces was the object of tiic assailants. 
Notwithstanding the hardiness and obstinacy Of the Russian 
troops, the only ones perhaps in the world who could force 
these wild asylums, the Poles ought to have made it a work of 
enormous labour to surmount so many obstacles ; but the 
impartiality of history, rigidly judging every nation, obliges 
us to confess, that the disunited and unthinking Poles were 
probably the only people who could have been subdued in the 
heart ©f such retreats. 

In this state of things, the numerous re-inforcements of 
excellent troops which count Wcymarn received, would or 
ought to have decided the question in favour of Russia by 
merely shewing themselves ; but a circumstance easy to fore- 
see, obliged the government to weaken its forces in Poland, 
and of course increased the strength of the confederates, and 
raised their hopes to the highest pitch. 

All the great powers of Europe were attentive and inter- 
ested spectators of a train of events, which would end in 

blc crime of violating tombs is not renewed upon the cart!), the sepulchre of 
the prince? of Repnin will never he despoiled of this monument of glory with 
which fraternal tenderness has so nobly enriched it." 



I 

Bi THE LIFE OF 

making Poland subordinate and tributary to Russia, or in 
its incorporation as an integral part of the empire. In 
either of these cases the resources of Poland would pass into 
the hands of Russia, This formidable acquisition of power 
by one of the states could not be viewed with indifference by 
the rest. The manner in which the different cabinets con- 
templated this transaction is a convincing proof of the pro- 
gress which a selfish system of politics had made in Eu- 
r (j)e. Governed by this fatal sentiment, which is the fruit- 
ful source of melancholy catastrophes, each one was anxious 
for the ruin of its neighbour ; until by a just punishment, 
each one lost in the accomplishment of its desires the power 
of preserving its own existence. 

England did not make the least opposition to the designs 
of Russia upon Poland, because she wished an intimate 
alliance with the empress, and really cared little about the 
independence of a state, buried in the continent of Europe, 
which had no political influence, no marine, no colonies or 
commerce, and whose friendship or enmity were of little con- 
sequence. France, whose interest it was to preserve the 
integrity of Poland, as its severance would necessarily aug- 
ment the power of her three continental rivals, was go- 
verned at this time by an able minister, but was led astray 
by a great delusion.* She neglected to send timely succour 
to Poland, either by sending her own forces, or by stimulat- 
ing her allies to avert the threatened ruin. Austria and 

* The duke de Choiseul was at this time the principal minister of France. 
He was bent upon reducing the power of England, which had just before 
dictated an humiliating peace. This motive was praise-worthy no doubt. 
But M. de Choiseul thought that one of the means of accomplishing his 
purpose, was to keep up the troubles in Poland : for he considered this 
war as employment for the forces of Russia, which would otherwise 
have been occupied in furthering the views of England. His plan was 
therefore to give the confederates just as much assistance as would prevent 
the R* being crushed by the Russians without its being sufficient to enable 



SOUVAROF. 



:-., 



Prussia, calculating upon their position, their troops, and 
the respect which Russia would be obliged to pay them, 
soon conceived the idea of partaking in the booty which the 
latter power wished to reserve entirely to herself. The 
Ottoman empire alone, actuated by a regard for its own 
interest, and generosity towards an unfortunate people, re- 
solved to protect the Poles against their oppressors, and 
declared war against Russia. 

As the empress could find sufficient employment for the 
forces of the Turks to prevent them from sending a numer- 
ous army to the relief of the confederates, she did not regard 

them to succeed. But M. de Choiseul was badly informed both as to per- 
sons and thing's. How could he be so ignorant of the character of Cathe- 
rine, as to suppose that in any situation she would have subjected her pro- 
jects and resources to the disposal of England ? and how could he have 
believed that the Poles would not be ultimately subdued, if they were not 
assisted with money and officers ? He ought to have looked a little less 
at the present and a little more to the future ; he ought to have saved Po- 
land for he could have done it. He had the means of organizing the con- 
federation so as to make it extremely formidable. Sweden and the Otto- 
man empire would have stepped forward at the demand of France, since the 
latter did so of its own accord. The united squadrons of the house of Bour- 
bon could have prevented the Russian fleets from annoying the Turks in the 
middle of their empire. The Tartars of the Crimea alone, led on by French 
officers, who would have infused courage into them, and taught them the 
stratagems and resources of European tactics, would have been able to drive 
back the Russians into the centre of their dominions ; and lastly every 
thing induces U9 to believe that Austria and Prussia would have remained 
inactive spectators of the struggle. They had no deep interest in the de- 
struction of Poland; they partook in the spoil when they discovered that 
Russia would seize the whole, unless they secured a part. It is presumab'e 
that they would cheerfully have sacrified these fragments, if by this means 
they could have avoided the contiguity of Russia as a neighbour. When we 
reflect on the state of things at this period, and with what dexterity Cathe- 
rine avoided the blows that might have been given her, we shall justly ap- 
preciate the genius of this illustrious woman, and the strength of her <*m 
pire- 



5* THE LIFE OF 

the danger from this side as very pressing, and sent a part of 
the troops originally intended for the subjugation of Poland, 
into the Ottoman provinces. Those which remained were 
not strong enough to break down the confederation imme- 
diately, but sufficiently powerful to prevent the number of 
its adherents from increasing. To do this more effectually, 
the Russians continually traversed those parts of the coun- 
try in which fresh assemblages were most likely to be formed, 
and endeavoured to diminish, in little daily skirmishes, the 
troops which the confederates already had. The smaller the 
force of the Russians was, the more it required talents to 
direct it ; and this war which required, above all things, 
great activity and the art of surprising the enemy, appeared 
to be made expressly to give Souvarof an opportunity of 
displaying his characteristic qualities. Almost all the im- 
portant operations of the war were directed by him. 

During the year 1770, there continued a sort of calm 
between the confederates and Russians, arising from the 
attention with which they regarded the movements of the 
two empires. The Poles, sanguine in the hope that the as- 
sistance of the Turks would be efficacious, waited anxiously 
for their success, to shew themselves with invigorated bold- 
ness. The Russians watching the operations of a war whose 
result ^ as so important for the interest and reputation of 
their country, disdained in some measure the trifling advan- 
tages which they might have gained in Poland, whilst their 
brethren in arms were in a situation to obtain the most pre- 
cious and brilliant victories. But the Poles soon discovered 
from the multiplied defeats and unpardonable conduct of the 
Turks, that they had calculated too largely upon Ottoman 
aid ; while the Russians saw their highest expectations con- 
firmed by the flight of the Turks across the Danube, the 
conquest of Moldavia and Wallachia, the conflagration of 
the Turkish fleet in the Archipelago, and all those celebrated 
exploits which opened to them a prospect of overthrowing 



SOUVAROF. 5i 

an empire, whose power their ancestors had often acknowl- 
edged. Souvarof, covetous of glory, must have wept with 
regret at not being able to take a part in these memorable 
achievements ; and he was compelled to call to his recollec- 
tion the severity of military rules, to prevent himself from 
abandoning the fields of Poland, barren in laurels, to 11 \ 
to those where they could have been gathered in abundance. 
His exploits during the campaign of 1770, were confined to 
skirmishes with Miaczinski, the leader of the confederates, 
whom he always beat. 

But in 1771, Souvarof had an opportunity of displaying 
his talents against enemies worthy of him. France alarmed 
at the progress of Russia, had at last perceived the necessity 
of administering more effectual relief to the Poles than she 
had hitherto done. Still however she did not abandon her 
system of avoiding all new wars. She did not succour Po- 
land by sending armies to her assistance, but by considerable 
subsidies regularly paid, and by lending her a few chosen 
officers to put the confederate troops upon a respectable foot- 
ing. The officer who was pitched upon to manage the rela- 
tions between Poland and France, was the celebrated Du- 
moHricz.* He had scarcely arrived in the country when 

* There was at that time in France (and particularly during the ministry 
of M. M. de Belle-Isle) a crowd of men of systems, who incessantly advanced 
projects for the regeneration of their country and overthrow of Kurope. 
A reasonable man cannot imagine how these two events are connected, or 
why it was necessary for other nations to suffer that ours should be renewed. 
But this was the temper of the fermentation which prevailed in France long 
before the revolution. It was generally thought, that nothing was as it 
ought to be, either at home or abr >ad ; and no better employment of the 
immense powers of Fiance could be conceived, than in overturning the 
world that it might be rebuilt according to the plans which a nnmber of indi- 
viduals had provided. These individuals led the minister astray, by offer 
lug to do the greatest things with the smallest means, as their genius was to 
supply the deficiency. Such proposals were very acceptable to a government. 



S6 THE LIFE OF 

every thing felt the influence of this energetic and intelligent 
but versatile and turbulent character. He communicated 
to a general council of the confederates, his plan of making 
all operations conduce to a common end, in directing them 
by a fixed and uniform system. He introduced discipline 
among the troops, exercised them, and habituated them to 
the performance of manoeuvres ; and was seconded by many 
of the confederate chiefs in his efforts to give a new aspect 
to the affairs of the confederation. This union of true pa- 
triots, the last hope of Poland, had never been better com- 
manded. Among the leaders of the band, Casimir Pulaski 
may be especially distinguished. He was a young man, of 
daring spirit, fertile genius, and intrepid bravery, united to 
the constancy and warmth of heart of a Sertorius, a Pelagius, 
or a Scandeberg ; characters among the most interesting in 
history, as nothing can be more worthy of admiration than 
firmness under misfortune. Casimir Pulaski, the only one 
remaining of a numerous family, who had flown to arms in 
the cause of the nation, had retired, after their loss, to al- 
most inaccessible rocks, where he inured himself to a hardy 
life by the most violent exercises. The address which he 
acquired in the management of every species of arms, added 
to his natural strength, made his personal prowess formida- 
ble in battle ; and this captivating quality so inflamed the 
youthful warriors who had again flocked to his standard, that 
he could exact prodigies from them, and rely with the utmost 
security upon their devotedncss to his person. When he 

which had at that time little money and few troops. These political parti- 
tizans were accordingly employed, who had no more effect in deciding" the 
fate of nations, than military partisans have in deciding- a campaign. Du- 
mouriez was deeply infected with this strange spirit of the times; and 
abounding in plans of improvement and organization, would have thrown 
nil "Europe into disorder, if his influence had been extensive enough. 



SOUVAROF. 57 

found Iiimself sufficiently strong, ho descended from the 
mountains, attacked the Russians to advantage ; forced many 
of their posts, and even threatened Warsaw itself; vigour- 
ously sustained a siege in Czenstokow, and at last compelled 
them to relinquish it; repulsed Souvarof himself at the 
attack of Landskron, and increased the number of the confed- 
erates in all the provinces, as well by adroit and bold emis- 
saries, as by the ardour which his successes had created. Uy 
his attention and talents he had already placed the confede- 
ration in a formidable attitude, when the presence and coun- 
sels of Dumouriez and the money which he brought, completed 
the organization of this party and gave it the appearance of 
regular authority. 

Such were the two adversaries whom Souvarof had to com- 
bat in the campaign of 1771. He believed that promptness in 
his operations could alone maintain his equality, as the Rus- 
sians received no reinforcements, and the number of the con- 
federates was augmented every day. Their boldness increased 
with their numbers. Sava, one of their marshals* had made 
in the winter of 1771, an incursion into Lithuania. Souvarof 
had not been slow in pursuing him ; but as this country was 
covered with forests and favourable to the confederates, Sava 
had been able to escape from the Russian general by dispersing 
his army into small bodies. The spring was more decisive. 
Souvarof having fewer natural obstacles to surmount, again 
pursued Sava. He overtook him on the 26th of April near 
Schrenski, and defeated him in a bloody battle, in which Sa- 
va was wounded. This Pole soon afterwards fell into the 
hands of the Russians, and was put to death by the soldiers. 
Souvarof, in the mean time, had pursued his corps, and dis- 
persed or cut in pieces every man. 

• This title of marshal, does not, as in the grand armies of Europe, de. 
signate a commander in chief. In Poland every man is called so who com- 
mands the nobtes^e and militia of a cannon or *tarosty. 

H 



58 THE LIFE OF 

Pulaski advanced to sustain his companion in arms. Sou 
varof marched against him with three thousand men, routed 
his troops, and carried off his artillery. Pulaski, rendered 
furious* summoned all his intrepidity and communicated it to 
his soldiers. After a terrible combat, he re-took his cannon 
and retreated, followed by Souvarof. As courageous and 
active, and almost as accomplished as his adversary, Pulaski 
manoeuvred with dexterity and avoided another engagement. 
The Russians, seeking battles and victories, did not lose sight 
of their enemies. Their marches and countermarches, their 
windings and their feints, would be remarked in history if 
each one had commanded thirty thousand men. At last Pu- 
laski was deceived by false information, and entangled himself 
imprudently in a narrow pass. His corps was partly destroy- 
ed and he himself obliged to fly with the few who were left. 

Dumouriez, in the first impulse of rage which this disaster 
occasioned, threatened to accuse the brave Pulaski of cowar- 
dice. He assembled the wreck of his little army, and united to 
it all the additional force he could collect. While he was pre- 
paring to advance upon Souvarof, the latter had already 
marched against him, and pressed him so closely as to oblige 
him to retire under the cannon of Landskronn. This fortress 
is situated on the summit of the Carpathean mountains, and 
commands the plain of the Palatinate of Cracow. Behind 
the height on which it is placed, there is a gentle declivity. In 
front and on its right flank, are two impregnable precipices 
thickly covered with wood. Dumouriez occupied this posi- 
tion ; resting his right upon the wood, which was defended by 
two hundred chasseurs Avith two pieces of cannon. His left 
was covered by Landskronn. The cannon of the fortress 
bore upon a height which was at some distance in its rear. 
Souvarof arrived at this height, having with him three thou- 
sand horse, and two thousand live hundred infantry. On an 
inspection of the ground and position of the enemy, he resolved 
to attack them, and did not hesitate long about his plan. He 



SOUVAROF. 59 

made his cavalry descend into the hollow, to be out of the 
reach of the cannon of the fortress, and remained with his 
infantry on the hill to march as the movements of the enemy 
should require.* Astonished at this bold manoeuvre, the 
Poles, as Souvarof had foreseen, did not dare to attack the 
Russians in the valley, who then mounted and formed on the 
hill. The enemy thus attacked in the centre had not force 
enough to charge this body of cavalry, especially as the 
infantry was at hand to support them, but abandoned the 
field. The Cossacks pursued them briskly, took the two 
pieces of cannon that were in the wood, and made a number 

* This narration is taken, in a great measure, from the account which 
Dumouriez gives, in the 8th chap. vol. 1st of his Life, written by himself. 
He pretends that Souvarof ought certainly to have been defeated, and that 
if his troops had charged the Russian cavalry as they ascended from the hol- 
low, before they had time to form, they must have been destroye i. But he 
adds that he was deserted, and that the different corps to which he had 
given his erders, instead of fighting, fled away like cowards. We do not 
undertake to contradict this ; but the manoeuvre of Souvarof may be justi- 
fied. It is probable that if eight thousand good troops, protected by good 
artillery, had occupied the position of Dumouriez, Souvarof, even had he 
been superior in numbers, would not have begun the attack with his caval- 
ry, at the risk of seeing them destroyed by the cannon, nor would he have 
attacked such a position in front with infantry. But he knew the sad state 
of the Polish cavalry and artillery. Hence his manoeuvre was bold but not 
rash, for it facilitated the employment of all his troops. Had he sent his 
infantry first, the cavalry would have remained idle on the height or in the 
valley, until the enemy were dislodged from their position. But the ease 
with which infantry could move their station from place to place, made it 
proper for them to act behind the cavalry, and they could have poured a 
destructive fire upon the troops of Dumouriez while advancing against the 
cavalry in the valley. The assertion of Dumouriez relating to the Poles, 
who fled when their dearest interests were at stake, an assertion corroborat- 
ed by many similar events during the war, proves the little reliance that 
ought to have been had upon that nation, where the gentleman is too free 
to submit to discipline, and the peasant too much a slave to be a man of 
courage. When we reflect on the character of the nation, we need seek no 
further for the causes of their fall. 



60 THE LIFE OF 

of prisoners. Dumouriez at the head of a small French squa- 
dron retreated through the wood of Sucha. The Russians 
respected this brave little troop and permitted it to escape. 
They were content with dispersing the Poles, and abandoned 
the field of battle, which the propinquity of the fortress made 
untenable. Souvarof, satisfied with having" dislodged the 
enemy, thrown them into confusion, and killed or taken a 
number of their men, quitted the environs of Landskronn, 
which lie could not besiege for the want of artillery, and flew 
to perform other exploits. He made himself master of Osvie- 
nin and Bolbreck, and renewed the pursuit of Pulaski, who 
had again appeared in the field. Souvarof chaced him from 
one defile to another, until he was obliged to shut himself up 
in Czenstokow. This brave confederate could not continue 
his good fortune, but he preserved his reputation ; and Souva- 
rof himself passed high commendations upon his intelligence 
and activity. His own activity was almost inconceivable. 
During the space of seventeen days, after the battle of Lands- 
kronn, he passed over an hundred leagues, and never spent 
forty eight hours without fighting. 

Oginski the grand marshal of Lithuania, a man of merit 
and exceedingly rich and powerful in his country, had not yet 
openly declared for the confederation. When this party was 
verging to its ruin, he was earnestly solicited to join it, not 
only by the confederates themselves, but also by France and 
Austria. The menaces of Russia at last armed him against 
her. After speedily collecting a body of two thousand men 
with some artillery, he attacked on the sixth September, a 
Russian corps at Radzica, and defeated them entirely with 
the loss of their commander. But Souvaroff was approach- 
ing. This last hope of the Polish confederation was destined 
to be soon destroyed. By the rapidity of his march, he sur- 
prised Oginski at Stoulavics, routed his troops and compelled 
him to fly to Dantzic. This was the last action of importance 
during the campaign ; but the time that was not employed in 



SOUVAROF. 61 

fighting was spent in negotiation* The promises of pea 
and security were urged with such adroitness, that the greatest 
part of the confederates of Lithuania returned quietly to their 
homes. Faithful to his promises. Souvarof treated those who 
submitted with a respect which gave them no desire to resume 
their arms. 

Dumouriez had quitted Poland and was succeeded by the 
count Viomesnil, in 1772. This skilful and estimable officer, 
relying more upon the French troops, who were as auxilia- 
ries to the confederates, than the Polish army, was anxious to 
secure a position with his little corps which should protect 
them from disasters, and at the same time serve as the founda- 
tion of more solid success. He surprised the fort and town 
of Cracow ; but the confederates were so weakened by the 
losses of the preceding year, and the Russians had become so 
strong, that with his small force Viomesnil could not hope to 
retain the possession. Souvarof had received a supply of 
artillery, and laid siege to Cracow in the month of March. 
The confederates and French were soon obliged to evacuate 
tliC city; but they retreated to the fort, where they sustained 
a siege of six weeks. Want of food and the impossibility of 
succour at last constrained them to surrender. The same 
causes, together with the weakness of the garrison succes- 
sively reduced the towns of Czentokow, Tirnick, Landskronn, 
Ace. to the power of Souvarof. 

All the confederates were now dispersed. The chiefs disap- 
peared and retired into other countries. Russia, Prussia and 
Austria declared, that for the future they would consider the 
Poles who assembled in arms, as robbers, assassins and incen- 
diaries. The confederation was annihilated ; all hope of in- 
dependence was losl, and unfortunate Poland waited for the 
decision of her fate, by the surrounding states. 

This decision came speedily enough. On the 5th of Au- 



62 THE LIFE OF 

gust, 1772, a treaty between Russia, Austria and Prussia, 
was signed at Petersburg, by which these states divided a 
third part of Poland among them, each one according to its 
convenience ; and left this kingdom in such a state ef imbe- 
cility and degradation that the inhabitants were compelled to 
look forward to a final and total partition as a probable refuge 
from interminable evils. Thus was consummated one of the 
foulest political crimes that history records. Thus two courts, 
who, as parties to the great confederation upon which the equi- 
librium of Europe rested, ought to have ranked a respect for 
the privileges of people and princes among the fundamental 
maxims of their policy ; and who were deeply interested that 
the balance of power should not be broken down, as their ex- 
istence might have depended on its preservation, united them-' 
selves, to violate the most sacred rights, with a third power, 
whose ambition and strength might one day menace with the 
fate of their common victim, those who were now its ac- 
complices. 

At the termination of the war in Poland, Souvarof returned 
to Petersburg, whither his reputation had preceded him. 
Already he was considered one of the most distinguished 
officers in the Russian army. His firmness and foresight, the 
justness of conception with which he had seized the proper 
manner of making war in Poland, the correctness of his 
manoeuvres, the rapidity of his marches, the ardour which he 
infused into the soldiers in the midst of fatigues or dangers ; 
in a word, the art of injuring and crippling the enemy, with- 
out resorting to the harshness and cruelty which many Rus- 
sian officers permitted, indicated a genius which could extend 
the honourable reputation of the Russian arms. The empress 
regarded Souvarof with a favourable eye. She conferred on 
him the second class of the military order of St. George, a 
reward which flattered him more than any other. Throughout 
the whole of his life, this general had a fondness for deco- 
rations and marks of honour : and this ceases to be a frivo* 



SOUVAROF. m 

lous taste when they are really deserved. Souvarof had too 
lofty a soul to be ambitious of distinctions, which he thought 
were not his due ; but he had a spirit of emulation which made 
him desirous of being conspicuous, by rendering useful ser- 
vices to society : and this feeling, when it exists in a number 
of individuals, is the most solid foundation of the social state, 
and the source of its perfection. 



.* i 






rSOUVAROF. 



CHAPTER III. 

Campaigns of Sonvarof against the Turks — Rebellion of Pougai- 
chef— ^Annexation of the peninsula of the Crimea to the Rus- 
sian empire — Expedition into the Kuban. 

NEITHER the profession nor the disposition of Souvarof 
would permit him to repose in inactivity. He had scarcely ar- 
rived at Petersburg when he expressed a desire to be employed 
in the war which still continued between the Russians and 
Turks, and not to lay down his arms whilst there was a possi- 
bility of using them. The empress perceived that action would 
prevent his zeal from abating, and attached him to the army 
of field marshal Romanzof for the campaign of 1773. 

This was the fourth year of the war which was undertaken 
by Turkey to impede the subjugation of Poland, but which 
ended in opening paths to Russia for the future subjection of 
Turkey itself. By it the frontiers of Russia were pushed for- 
wards toward the Black Sea, the road of the Kuban and Geor- 
gia was opened, and the Tartars of the Crimea prepared by 
protection for a final reduction to obedience. The Greeks 
dessiminated through all the provinces of European Turkey, 
were inspired by this war with a hope of deliverance, which 
thus secretly attached one half of the subjects of the Grand 
Signior to the cause of Russia. The Turks were led to fear 
an engagement with their ancient adversaries ; and the Rus- 
sians became persuaded of their superiority. By a necessary 
consequence, the former would apprehend more danger than 
really existed, whilst the latter would feel assured of victory 
when marching against enemies whom they held in con- 
tempt. 



66 THE LIFE OF 

The enmity between the Russians and Turks may be traced 
up to the subversion of the empire of Constantinople by the 
Ottoman sword, and of course the first appearance of the 
Turks in Europe. The Russians never ceased to consider 
them as spoilers, who snatched from them the prey to which 
they were naturally entitled. Ever since the establishment 
of the Sclavi in those immense countries situated between the 
Danube the Black Sea and the Frozen Ocean, they had un- 
ceasingly disturbed the empire of Constantinople by their 
predatory incursions, for they coveted this rich inheritance as 
an appendage to their vast domains. These barbarians could 
be restrained from plundering, only by their conversion to the 
Christian religion, which was performed by Grecian mission- 
aries. The two nations then became connected by the 
strongest tie which could at that day bind man to man ; and 
the schism of the Greek and Latin churches confined the ad- 
herents of the former to only two classes, those who followed 
the laws of the emperors of Constantinople and those who 
obeyed the grand dukes of Russia. Of course when Constan- 
tinople fell into the hands of the infidels, the dukes of Russia 
considered themselves as the legitimate directors of a flock, 
which would be otherwise isolated and abandoned. 

But although the grand dukes of Russia might have avowed 
this pretension, their power was not great enough to make 
it a dangerous one to the Turks. It would have been diffi- 
cult for them to shake off the yoke of the Tartars descendants 
of Gengis-khan, who had reigned for a long time on the banks 
of the Volga, and whose posterity occupied the Crimea in the 
time of Catharine. These Tartars had embraced Mahome- 
tanism. Their number and warlike disposition made them 
formidable to the Russians and the position of their country 
made it an intermediate tract between the new conquests of 
the Turks and the territory of the Czars. The emperor of 
the Turks was considered by these Tartars as the head of 
their faith since he had succeeded the caliphs in their posses- 



SOUVAROF. $7 

sions and their dignity of vicars of Mahomet. By this title 
they recognised his right of ordering them to assist whenever 
he intended to wage war against the infidels ; so that far 
from its being in the power of the Czars to take advantage 
of their being the only protectors of the Greek church* to 
make partizans in the territories of the Grand Signior, and 
thus eventually succeed the emperors of the east, it was in 
fact the Grand Signior who menaced the Czars with subjec- 
tion by the aid of a warlike people, who were devoted to his 
cause from his title of chief of the Mahometan religion. 

The attention of the Russians was therefore turned towards 
the defence of their frontiers from the incursions of the Tar- 
tars of the Crimea, who could at almost any moment pene- 
trate into their fairest provinces, and carry desolation into 
the heart of the empire. It became a part of the policy of 
the Czars, as soon as they had any policy, to reduce these 
terrible enemies to subjection by force, or to profit by their 
divisions among themselves and disputes with the Divan, and 
overcome them by stratagem. Peter I. attempted it, but 
failed. The project of seating himself upon the throne of 
the Sultans has been attributed to this prince, when, in truth, 
he owed the stability of his own to the effeminacy and degen- 
eracy of the Turkish emperors. Peter was never in a situa- 
tion to dream of the conquest of Constantinople. The first 
person who conceived the possibility of it, and calculated the 
means by which Russia might succeed, was field marshal! 
Munich.* This great man saw in a moment that one part 

* This general was born in the Dutchy of Oldenburg in the Circle of Low- 
er Saxony, and entered the Russian service during the reign of tVje empress 
Anne. His victories over the Poles, the Turks, and the Tartars are suffi- 
ciently well known. He united to his military talents a mind of bold concep- 
tions, a passionate love of glory, an austerity of manners, and a cruelty of 
character, which neither good or bad fortune could destroy or weaken. 
He approaches nearer to the character of Hannibal than any other celebrated 
modern He had the fertile, daring, and inflexible genius of the Carthag-i- 



U8 THE LIFE OF 

of the means was wanting, without which all the rest would 
be useless — the conquest of the Crimea. He saw that Russia 
could never be a compact empire, that she could not net upon 
a regular plan of aggrandizement, and possess permanent 
sources of internal prosperity, without the possession of 
the Crimea. AH that military tactics could suggest was 
employed by Munich to effect its reduction ; but led away 
by his fierce and austere disposition, he mistook the proper 
method. It was not by force that the Tartars could be re- 
duced; they could be conquered but not subdued. After 
many bloody campaigns, Munich found himself obliged to 
evacuate the Crimea, and accordingly withdrew from it, with 
less than a third part of the army which he had conducted 
thither. 

In the war which broke out in 1769, between Russia and 
Turkey, the latter proved to her rival how deep an injury 
could be inflicted by directing the Tartars against her. At 
the first signal from Constantinople, the Khan of the Crimea 
invaded New Servia, set fire to the villages and gathered 
crops, massacred the inhabitants, drove away the cattle, and 
left not the least trace of vegetation or mark of a human 
dwelling in this unhappy country. The subsequent multi- 
plied victories over the Turks had not sufficient influence to 
enrol the Crimea on the list of the Russian provinces ; for 

man hero ; but it was tins very inflexibility that prevented him from subdu- 
ing the Tartars of the Crimea, lie could not stop to negociate or intrigue, 
depended solely on the sabre and cannon. The result was that he 
beat the Tartars in every engagement: but fatigued with the ob t.nacy of 
these people, and worn out by the unconquerable perseverance with which 
they returned to the combat after so many defeats, and at last obliged to 
stop sh'»rt through the failure of his means of subsistence, Munich eva- 
cuated the Crimea, and led back into Russia an army which was not in a 
state to act against any other enemies. We shall see in the sequel 
how a man, less perfect though more adroit than Munich, seized the true 
method of subjecting the Tartars to the yoke, and effected that important 
revolution which Munich attempted in vain. 



SOUVAROF. C9 

even a formal cession by the Grand Signior would not have 
induced a country which recognized him only as lord para- 
mount, and not as its immediate sovreign, to have submit- 
ted without resistance. All that the empress could obtain 
was a peace, which stipulated that the Tartars should be en- 
tirely independent of the Porte, which had for a long time 
been endeavouring to enslave them ; that the election of the 
Khan should not require the confirmation of the Divan, and 
that they should pay no more tribute. By this apparent 
kindness for this people, and the dissimulation of a profound 
policy, which forgot present outrages in the prospect of fu- 
ture advantages, Catharine weakened the Tartars by detach- 
ing them from a powerful protector. On the other hand, 
by the acquisition of a part of Bessarabia, she in some mea- 
sure surrounded the Crimea, and impeded its direct commu- 
nication with Turkey. 

In the relative situation of these two empires every cir- 
cumstance seemed to predict, that the one which possessed 
all the vigour of youth was about to triumph over the other, 
which was declining into the infirmity of age, through the 
vices of effeminacy and luxury. The struggle had been long 
continued, but appeared about to terminate, when Souvarof 
arrived to assist in the exertions of his countrymen, and to 
contribute by his efforts to stamp a superiority upon the arms 
of Russia, which afterwards proved the source of his fame. 

Souvarof intended to join the army which was in Moldavia, 
but first visited Jassy, the head quarters of marshal Roinanzof. 
A few days afterwards he received orders to join the division 
of the army which was in Wallachia, under the command of 
general Soltikof., He was attached to this corps, and the 
command of a detachment consisting of four battalions of 
infantry, eight squadrons of cavalry and several hundred 
Cossacks, was entrusted to him. He was stationed at the con- 
vent of Nigqjescht'u on the left bank of the Danube, which is 



70 THE LIFE OF 

at that place very broad. The Turks occupied the little village 
of Turtukay, on the right bank. The possession of this 
place was important to them, as it prevented the Russians 
from crossing, and kept open the communication with the sea, 
from which all their supplies were drawn. They had there- 
fore a flotilla at Turtuka. Their camp was strongly fortified, 
and batteries of heavy artillery defended the bank of the 
river. Souvarof resolved to destroy the flotilla and the town. 
After reconnoitering the country, he found that about a mile 
from his post down the river, there was a convenient place 
for crossing, and immediately opposite to it, an eminence 
which commanded the Turkish camp, and which they had 
neglected to occupy. This place was pitched upon for the 
passage, and the better to conceal his design from the Turks, 
Souvarof embarked his troops on the little river Artich, which 
runs into the Danube, and made them descend in the night to 
the appointed spot. The next morning the troops were 
wafted across the river and effected their landing in spite of 
the fire of the Turks, when Souvarof ordered one of his 
colonels to march with some companies of infantry, to destroy 
the flotilla, and detached another to seize upon a redoubt 
which protected the town ; hastening himself with the main 
body to secure the height from which he could observe and 
assist both detachments. Every thing succeeded to his wish. 
The flotilla and the magazines in the town were burned, and 
fourteen pieces of cannon which could not be carried away, 
were thrown into the river. Souvarof re-embarked his troops 
and resumed his former position, having lost in this enterprize 
only sixty men. 

The extreme anxiety of Souvarof to keep the enemy in 
continual alarm, and the fatigue that he suffered by accustom- 
ing his troops to a habit of unceasing activity, so inflamed 
his blood, that it brought on a fever which obliged him to 
leave his detachment. In the interval of his absence, the 
grand army under the orders of marshal Romanzof, made 



SOUVAROF. 71 

hat slow progress, from the failure of their provisions ; for 
hunger was a more cruel enemy to them than the Turks. 
This deficiency of subsistence may be easily supposed to have 
occurred in a country so miserably cultivated as Moldavia, 
and which besides, had been desolated for three successive 
campaigns, by the necessity of furnishing supplies for two 
great armies. It was this circumstance which rendered the 
posts communicating with the sea so important. For this rea- 
son the Turks had again occupied Turtukay after the retreat 
of the Russians, and had strengthened the ruins of the town 
by additional fortifications, during the absence of Souvarof. 
lie was no sooner informed of this proceeding, than he resolv- 
ed, feeble as he was, to return immediately to his detachment. 
He found it increased by two battalions. The Turks had 
formed on the banks of the river below Turtukay, an 
entrenched camp, which extended in the form of an amphi- 
theatre, and embraced in its range all the surrounding emi- 
nences. Souvarof examined their position, and resolved to 
drive them from it. He divided his flotilla into three parts, 
and gave the command of the one which was to pass the river 
first to colonel Baturin. These troops landed successfully, 
and possessed themselves of many of the outward redoubts of 
the Turks. Souvarof followed his colonel with the second 
division ; but the current of the river carried his boats consi- 
derably bclowthe place of landing, and when he succeeded in 
regaining it, he found that Baturin was stopped by the whole 
Turkish army, which appeared determined to defend its 
entrenchments. Souvarof determined on the other hand to 
carry them, marched against the enemy in three columns. 
The battle was terrible — the ground disputed inch by inch. 
Souvarof who possessed already the art of inspiring his men 
with confidence, moved from place to place, animating them 
by his presence and exhortations, and sustaining their ardour 
by promises of a rich booty. Intrepidity was at last rewarded. 
The entrenchments were carried, and a thousand Turks bit 
the dust. Eighteen cannon, twenty-four boats, and the entire 



72 THE LIFE OF 

Gamp of the enemy fell into the hands of the conquerors. 
The Turks attempted no more to fortify Turtukay, and were 
thus deprived of a post of the most material importance. 

After this advantage was gained, the presence of Souvarof 
was thought necessary at the head quarters of marshal Ro- 
manzof, and he received the command of a corps of the army, 
encamped at Chirschowa on the right bank of the Danube. 
The main body was on the same side of the river, and the sole 
object of the rest of the campaign was to retain this position. 
Innumerable engagements were the consequence of this plan ; 
for the Turks multiply their attacks more than any troops in 
the world, and are perhaps the most difficult to be entirely 
destroyed. The reason of this is, that they fly into the fields 
at the first encounter, so that their loss is not as great as it 
would be, were the battle more obstinately contested. Thus 
they are always in a situation to return to the charge with 
fresh troops, and in two or three days after a defeat, their 
numerous squadrons astonish their adversaries, who had sup- 
posed them entirely dispersed. The greatest losses sustained 
by the Turks in the two last wars with Russia, were in the 
defence of fortified places, which were at last carried by per- 
severance. The only way to disperse the irregular bands of 
Turks who hovered around the army, would have been to 
press them warmly and unceasingly. But the face of the 
country, and the impossibility of procuring subsistence for 
men or horses, prevented the Russians from pursuing this 
plan ; for the Turks in their flight devastated the country 
through which they passed, and thus opposed an insurmounta- 
ble bar rier to the progress of their conquerors. For this rea- 
son, the first war which Catharine carried on against the 
Turks, was not productive of any decisive result, although 
brilliant victories were gained by her generals, and she her- 
self conceived hopes of the most extensive success. As Rus- 
sia did not. possess Oczakof or the Crimea, the position of 
her armies on the banks of the Danube became untenable. 



SOUVAROF. 7s 

All that could have been expected from the peace which termi- 
nated this war, was leisure to digest plans, and prepare the 
means of future conquests. The second war of which we arc 
now treating, then became necessary, to carry these schemes 
into effect ; and another war will at some future day be under- 
taken, for the purpose of deciding the fate of the Ottoman 
empire on both shores of the Euxine ; but the issue cannot be 
foreseen by human eye. 

The health of Souvarof was at this time so shattered, that 
in order to restore it, he was obliged to spend the winter in 
tranquillity at Kiow. In the beginning of April, 177i, he 
rejoined the army, with the rank of lieutenant general, to 
which the empress had promoted him as a reward for his ser- 
vices. He commanded a division of twelve thousand men. 
The campaign passed away like the preceding one, without 
any great military events. The only action worthy of being 
mentioned w r as, the victory which general Kamenski, strength- 
ened by Souvarof and a part of his corps, gained over the 
Turkish army commanded by the Reis-EfTendi and the Aga of 
the Janissaries, near the little town of Kosloudjc. The object 
of the Turks was to drive the Russians to the left bank of the 
Danube. Tbe battle was well contested ; but the valour of 
the Russians, and the energy and precision of the orders of 
their generals, at last decided the contest; for skilful ma- 
noeuvres were impossible in a broken country, against ene- 
mies who fought in a confused and irregular manner. Sou- 
varof and Kamenski were at first attacked, but they soon 
repulsed the Turks, and became the assailants in their turn. 
They had only fifteen thousand men ; the enemy had forty 
thousand. Notwithstanding this disproportion the Russians 
routed the Turks completely, chased them from one post to 
another, seized their artillery and their camp, killed three 
thousand of their men, and made a prodigious number of 
prisoners. The Empress, however, became alarmed at the 
consequences of the war. The disordered state of her iinanc- 



71 THE LIFE OF 

es. and the clamour of her subjects plainly pointed out the ne- 
cessity of peace. She had gained by the war a fair portion of 
the territory of Poland and an unlimited influence over that 
whole kingdom. She had made the Turks renounce the pro- 
tection of that ill-fated State. She had made them cede to the 
Russians the territory of Asoph, and the right of navigating 
the Black Sea, with a free passage of the Dardanelles. She 
had forced them to acknowledge the disputed privileges of the 
Tartars of the Crimea and the Kuban, and to recognize 
their independence. Catharine ought to have thought herself 
fortunate in being able to terminate hostilities on such favor- 
able terms. Peace was concluded at Kainardji in the year 
177i. 

This appeared to be a time of rest for Souvarof; but for- 
tune ministering to his wishes had thrown him in the midst 
of an age fertile in great events, to give him an opportunity 
of displaying his persevering activity. Before the conclusion 
of the Turkish war, the internal commotions in the provinces 
of Russia had proceeded to an alarming height, arid she was 
soon obliged to resort to her best troops and best generals, in 
order to appease them. Souvarof had acquired a title to be 
ranked among the latter. In Turkey as in Poland he evinced 
an acuteness in discovering the proper points of attack, and 
the important positions to occupy, a flexibility which enabled 
him to profit by the faults of his enemies, or to lead them into 
errors, an intrepidity in battle and animation in the pursuit 
of the fugitive foe, which marked him as one of those men to 
whom fortune yields every thing, because they assume the 
same ascendancy over her, that she does over the generality of 
mankind. Catharine was too well acquainted with the cha- 
racters of her subjects to lose an opportunity of employing So- 
varof, in the increase of her glory or the defence of her 
crown. As the peace enabled her to dispose of her armies, 
she hastened to send him with the division which he com 
manded against the celebrated Pougatchef. 



SOUVAROF. 75 

The rebellion of this Cossack was an extraordinary event, 

which furnished instruction to Europe, and even to the court 
of Petersburg, in relation to the true state of the interior of 
the Russian empire. It proved that the clergy were even 
more discontented than the nobles, that the people were 
harassed and weary of the government, and that Catharine 
did not reign over the hearts of the Russians, but was consi- 
dered by them as a stranger, while Peter III. was regretted as 
a lineal descendant of Peter I. It demonstrated that in the 
vast solitudes in the interior of the empire a party can be 
formed and organized, can approach the populated provinces 
and unite them to it by lorce or persuasion, and spreading with 
the rapidity of a conflagration over an immense tract of coun- 
try, threaten to overwhelm the throne and empire with ruin, 
before the account of its existence has reached the distant 
court. But Europe might have learned at the same time 
how necessary and precious to a state is a disciplined army 
attached to its leaders ; and how powerfully habits of obedi- 
ence and regularity, the principal virtues of a soldier, become 
the pledge of public tranquillity and safety. If the Russian 
army had been less inured to discipline ; if, from living at 
home, they had contracted more of a civil and less of a mili- 

7 * 

tary temper, there would have been an end of the reign of Ca- 
tharine, and of the existence of Russia as a civilized country. 
The troops, from being in the same class of society as the 
peasants, and destitute of the spirit of a military life, wouM 
have been gained over by the rebels, and Russia rent to the 
centre by licentious bands of her own children, would have 
fallen into a state of barbarism, worse than that from which 
she had just emerged after a night of ages. The danger from 
this source has attracted the attention of the government, and 
since the revolt of Pougatchcf, a better division of the troops, 
and the erection of numerous fortresses, have secured the 
interior of the empire from similar disasters in future. 

Pougatchcf was a Cossack of the Don. After having scrv 



76 THE LIFE OF 

ed fifteen years in the Russian army, at first as a private 
and then as an officer, he felt an inclination to retire, and 
demanded his discharge. This was refused, and he fled and 
concealed himself in a convent of monks in Little Russia. 
His person is said to have resembled that of Peter III. the 
dethroned husband of Catharine II. The clergy were at this 
time exasperated against the empress, who had deprived 
them of many of their privileges, and the reciprocal commu- 
nication of their dissatisfaction, nourished and encreased the 
resentment of all. The monks with whom Pougatehef had 
taken refuge, finding him to be a man of enterprise, and 
willing to profit by his resemblance to the late emperor, 
thought to confer a benefit on the clerical order, by making 
him pass for that prince, and by creating a party under 
this pretext, after the example of many impostors, who had 
already made the experiment since the tragical death of the 
unfortunate Peter. They instructed Pougatehef accordingly, 
and furnished him with money to support his assumed char- 
acter. His first effort to obtain followers was made among 
the Cossacks of the Don, a great number of whom were sedu- 
ced by his arts. He then passed over with them to the wild 
country on the other side of the Volga in the government of 
Orenbourg, where his partizans were increased every day 
by the accession of all the discontented vagabonds and des- 
peradoes. Having thus acquired strength to enforce his 
claims, he sallied forth from the desert, and after gaining 
many advantages over the Russian troops, found himself 
able to lay siege to Orenbourg. He did not succeed in mak- 
ing himself master of this place, but the garrison were ob- 
liged to shut themselves up in their fortifications, and conse- 
quently left the whole country open to him. Advancing as 
a Conqueror, Pougatehef saw whole tribes of hunters and 
shepherds flock to his standards ; and the agriculturists 
soon abandoned their villages and rustic employments to ar- 
range themselves under his banners. The insurrection gradu- 
ally became more formidable. The garrisons of all the towns 



SOUVAROF. 77 

were confined to their forts, through fear of the prodigious 
number of the rebels. Pougatchef had already advanced to 
the heart of the empire, and menaced Moscow, which con- 
tained only six hundred troops, and where he would have 
found a hundred thousand slaves who would gladly have 
joined him, when the empress yielded to the necessity of op- 
posing the most urgent danger, and resolved to weaken her 
army in Turkey, by sending a detachment under general 
Bibikof to oppose the progress of Pougatchef, 

As soon as the troops of the empress were collected in suffi- 
cient numbers to take the field, affairs wore a more favoura- 
ble aspect. But during this interval the force of the rebels 
was so prodigiously increased that it required many obsti- 
nate battles to break their power. The generals Gallitzin 
and Potemkin. and colonel Michelson were successively cm- 
ployed in this important service. The last gained many vic- 
tories over Pougatchef and at length compelled him to re- 
pass the Volga and take refuge in the deserts, accompanied 
by only three hundred Cossacks. But fresh partizans came in, 
and a little time put him again at the head of a considerable 
force, on the left bank of the Volga. Almost the whole of 
the Russian army was at this time employed against the 
Turks. The generals who had been detached against Pou- 
gatchef had received no reinforcements, and their heavy 
losses of men disabled them from undertaking any important 
enterprise. Pougatchef profitted by their weakness, and 
spoke frequently and familiarly of marching to Moscow; 
and the troops of Catharine would probably have been 
obligeu to bend to the storm. But just at this momentous pe- 
riod, peace was concluded with Turkey; and Catharine, per- 
ceiving the necessity of crushing a revolt which had already 
cost the lives of four or five thousand of her subjects, and 
laid three hundred villages and towns in ashes, dispatched 
count Panin, who had just taken Bender, with a sufficient num- 
ber of troops to put an instant termination t<» this horrible war. 



78 THE LIFE OF 

The division of Souvarof was part of the army destined for 
this purpose ; but lie had no opportunity of adding to the fame 
that he had already acquired. Michelson, to whom count 
Panin had sent a supply of fresh troops, renewed the pursuit 
of Pougatchef with such vigour that the rebel, after having 
seen almost all his adherents cut to pieces, and the remainder 
dispersed, was obliged to fiy for his personal safety, and pass 
the Volga by swimming. He found shelter in the heaths of Ou- 
ral where some few of his friends joined him ; but his misfor- 
tunes converted even these into traitors to his cause. Sedu- 
ced by the gold and the promisses of the Russians, three of the 
Cossacks who had been most faithful to his interest, seized 
him and delivered him bound to Michelson, who sent him im- 
mediately to general Panin. In a short time afterwards he 
was executed at Moscow, and the rebellion ended with his life. 
Souvarof retired from this campaign with the satisfaction of 
being able to say, that there had not been a single event in 
the reign of Catharine, in which he had not been personally 
engaged for the benefit of his country. 

After this expedition the army was placed in winter quar- 
ters at Sinbirsk near Moscow. The division of Souvarof was 
stationed in the governments of Penza and Casan. This in- 
terval of quiet afforded him an opportunity of arranging his 
domestic affairs, and his presence was frequently necessary 
at Moscow. In the course of the winter of 1775, he there 
espoused the princess Barba Ivanovna, daughter of the prince 
Ivan Prosorovski, a general of high character, with whom 
Souvarof had been intimately acquainted in Poland and Tur- 
key. This alliance, flattering for both, was the result of a 
mutual esteem ; but Souvarof had arrived at a time of life, 
when a .sober calculation of the chances of happiness, tern- , 
pers and directs in some measure, the feelings of the heart. 
The event did not equal the expectations he was led to form. 
Whether it was his fault or not, will be discussed by and by, 
when we speak of the consequences of his marriage. 



SOUVAROF. 

Ii? the mean time Catharine, who had only assented to 
peace, that she might arrange, more at leisure, the preparfl 
tions for a more successful war, did not lose sight of her 
elaims upon Turkey, and was perhaps stimulated to enforce 
them hy the difficulty of success. She had freed the Tartars 
of the Crimea from the protection of the grand signior, and 
given them independence only to further the project of sub- 
duing them ; for this plan was carefully and continually en- 
couraged by her principal minister and highest favourite, 
who had such ail influence over her resolutions, that he 
shared her author ty in the empire. This minister, who 
possessed a character so bold, that he thought nothing impos- 
sible, and so flexible, that he could employ various means to 
arrive at his ends, had distinctly perceived that the Tartars 
could not be subdued by braving their ferocious courage ; 
but that it was a surer method to ensnare their ardent and 
unwary tempers, and to make them throw themselves into the 
trap, by feigning the utmost regard for their welfare. For 
the success of this scheme he was personally responsible. 

It is here that we find the well known Potemkin first ap- 
pearing in the political drama ; a man at tho same time so 
extraordinary and common, so great and contemptible, so 
active and indolent, so persevering in some of his plans, so 
irresolute and ridiculous in others, so disproportioned in all : 
this character incomprehensible to other nations, but a fin 
ished model of a genuine Russian, with all his virtues and all 
his vices; this person, in fine, who played such a part in 
Russia during twenty years, that he must be considered a^ 
the second ruler of its destines. He will make a conspicuous 
figure in this history, not only on account of his influence 
over the transactions of the Russian empire generally, bin 
from the peculiar situation in which he stood with regard to 
Souvarof, whose genius, bravery, and originality he could 
not help esteeming.* Our hero becoming every day a muiv 

* He was jealous nevertheless of the decisu n which marked the chit 



SO THE LIFE OF 

distinguished character developed more and more that sys- 
tematic and studied singularity, for which he was afterwards 
so remarkable, and which, as it was founded upon a deep 
acquaintance with the national character, became the means 
of conducting the Russians to surprising triumphs.* 

racter of Souvarof. Like all ambitious men who surround a court, enjoy- 
ing favour and power, Potcmkin disliked whatever was brilliant enough to 
outshine his merit, or too stubborn to bend to his will. Potemkin could 
not conceal from himself the military superiority of Souvarof; nor could 
he like a man who claiming no title of advancement but his sword, ever 
fawn, upon greatness. But justness to the character of Potemkin requires 
it to be mentioned, that he constantly emp oye d Souvarof, and preferred him 
before all other candidates to conduct important expeditions. This cele- 
brated favorite, amidst a crowd of faults, had the remarkable quality of 
being passionately devoted to the glory of his country and sovereign. His- 
tory will pardon many of his vices for the sake of this one virtue. He is 
somewhat excusable for entertaining sometimes a little jealousy, of a man 
whose merit would have inflamed the hatred of most favorites. " He plays 
** the fool sometimes," said he to the Austrian general Jordis, speaking of 
Souvarof, " but with all his follies he is full of spirit and versed in statagem. 
<{ He deserves to be noticed." 

* All the sources of information that we have examined in Russia and else- 
where, on the subject of Souvarof, and our own reflections upon his con- 
duct in the most important parts of his life, lead to this result, that his 
originality and uncouth manners, although sometimes extravagant, were 
purposely adopted. So far from degrading his character as some splenetic 
writers have thought, this circumstance affords a new proof of his penetra- 
ting genius. The same person from whom we received the note upon prnce 
Kepnin, inserted in a preceding chapter, has transmitted us an interesting one 
upon the origin of the singularities of Souvarof. We are persuaded that it 
narrates one of the principal causes, if not the only one, of those singulari- 
ties, about which so much has been said. We insert the note entire, be- 
cause it mentions some circumstances relative to Catharine II. which the 
admirers of that great princess will perhaps read with pleasure. 

"Souvarof animated, like Themistocles, by the glory of those who had 
gone before him, and tormented by an excessive anxiety to acquire renown, 
had too much sense to neglect the preliminary step of attracting the atten- 



SOUVAROF. 81 

The character of Potcmkin, is liable to the strange re- 
proach, of having augmented himself the obstacles to the ex- 
ecution of his own plans : for his impetuous temper precipi- 
tated or multiplied his measures : but we cannot refuse him 
the glory of having conceived brilliant and useful schemes for 
the advancement of his country, and comprehended with 
justness the manner of their execution. He was at this time 
entirely occupied with the dazzling idea, of wresting the domi- 
nation of Greece from Ottoman hands, and conferring it 
upon Russia. He wished to restore this enchanting country 
to a degree of civilization, which might again light up its 
ancient splendour. He was anxious that an intimate connex- 
r ion between Russia and Greece might excite a happy emula- 
tion of his sovereign. Placed in a country where favour, was often and 
easily bestowed upon the first orders of nobility, the desire of becoming 
useful, made him study how to distinguish himself from his numerous 
rivals, the greater part of whom were of higher rank than himself. The 
empress furnished him with the opportunity which his zeal and conscious- 
ness of his own powers, made him seek with avidity. He had observed 
that Catharine was fond of drawing around her all her subjects from whom 
she expected to derive any assistance, and that to enable herself to under- 
stand their characters more intimately, she frequently laid aside the ma- 
jesty of the throne to mix with them as a friend to whom they might free- 
ly express their opinions. 

" li is known to every one who was honored by the familiar conversa- 
tion of this princess, that she had the great art of never allowing herself 
to be interrogated, and that even during the moments of utmost freedom 
no one could even |turn the conversation from those subjects, on which she 
wished it to remain. On one of these occasions, after citing a long list of 
illustrious names, she remarked that almost all the greatest men, who were 
spoken of in history, had some peculiarities in their habits, which neither 
their own exertions, nor their great reputation, nor time itself, could 
ever destroy. She added, that a man of a great soul, deeply occupied with 
his designs, no doubt, disdained to labour seriously in the reformation of 
slight shades of character, which were not of much consequence> and 
which served to distinguish him from the croud. 

L 



82 THE LIFE OF 

tion between the two nations, and he was desirous of obtain- 
ing for his sovereign an empire the more compact, as by 
their junction the most formidable enemy of Greece would 
become its most powerful protector, and no foreign state 
would be able to break the ties which connected them, or dis- 
turb their harmony. This noble project fired the soul of 
Catharine, as tenderly sensible of glory as her minister. 
All their conversation, all their correspondence, related to 
this one subject. The treasures and the soldiers of the Em- 
pire were appropriated to this object alone, and the greatness 
of the remuneration which they had in view made no sacri- 
fice appear difficult or costly. 

46 But Potemkin knew perfectly well that the Crimea was 
the key to the Ottoman empire, the road to its capital, and 
that the crown of the ancient eastern empire was reserved 

" This remark of Catharine, casually made, became for Souvarof the 
subject of profound thought. He reflected that if great actions alone are 
able to attract the attention of kings and nations, a man who felt himself 
zealous and able, should yield to the desire of being conspicuous, even from 
his singularities, after having resolved never to employ these means to 
arrive at any but great and useful ends. 

" Constancy in their pursuits is the characteristic of great minds. From 
the moment that Souvarof adopted his resolution until his last sigh, he was 
faithful to the system he had chosen. His prophetic mind foresaw, that as 
soon as success had crowned his efforts, the singularity which at first ex- 
cited the astonishment, would acquire for him the 'confidence of his soldiers. 
Experience soon established what his genius had predicted, and confirmed 
him in his system, by showing the influence which it produced. 

" Such is the origin of those peculiarities by which Souvarof acquired 
over soldiers who scarcely knew any thing but how to obey, an astendancy 
which irresistibly led them to victory. If history could reveal all the anec- 
dotes of this illustrious man, philosophers would applaud him for often 
taking shelter under his singularity, in order to present to view, strong and 
unwelcome truths, which a fear of offending the majesty of the throne, had 
buried n timid and respectful silence.'* 



SOUVAROF. 85 

for the person who held the sceptre of that country. To ob- 
tain this sceptre for his sovereign, he pretended to hold it by 
permission of its actual possessors. The Tartars were 
divided into three parties ; one wished to seek the protection 
of Russia, another that of the Porte, and a third was in favour 
of entire independence. The reigning Khan Dcvlct Gucrai, 
a zealous mahomctan, was at the head of those who wished 
to put themselves under the protection of the chief of the 
mahomctan religion. Against him the enmity of Potemkin 
was particularly directed. He established himself at Cher- 
son, within reach of the Crimea. Under the pretence of ex- 
ercising his troops, he formed various camps, assembled a 
considerable army, built fortresses and strengthened those 
places where fortifications had been already erected, without 
ceasing for a moment to foment the mutual animosity between 
the parties in the Crimea. Intrigues were carried on at the 
same time, both in that country and the Kuban. * He succeed- 
ed in gaining over many petty Khans and Myrzas in these 
countries, by magnificent promises, and persuaded them to 
submit voluntarily to the authority of the empress of Russia, 
to whom they swore allegiance. By these means he augment- 
ed the Russian party, and diminished the others in proportion ; 
and when the favourable moment arrived, alledging that his 
sovereign had just cause of complaint against the Khan, for 
inordinate partiality to the Turks, and for having neglected 
to perform the stipulations of the last treaty, he suddenly 

* The Kuban is a vast province, one side of which is washed by the sea 
of Asoph and which extends from the Don and Caspian Sea to the moun- 
tains of Caucasus. This country is inhabited by tribes of Tartars of the 
same great family with those of the Crimea. The incursions of these Tar- 
tars were extremely dangerous to the governments of Asoph and Astra- 
chan, as the Kuban is situated behind those provinces. The possession of 
it, moreover, assured to Russia the entire command of a Sea, over which 
she already exercised some controul, and gave her natural boundaries of im- 
pregnable force in the mountains of Caucasus. 



8* THE LIFE OF 

ordered his troops to enter the Crimea, but at the same time 
commanded them to be content with intimidating the Khan, 
and to connive at his escape. This prince, either too weak 
for resistance, or badly advised, took advantage of the oppor- 
tunity afforded to him. Immediately after his flight Potem- 
kin affectedly alarmed at their armies being without a chief, 
made them elect in his place Shaim Guerai, a prince of the 
house of Gengis Khan, but entirely devoted to the interests 
of Russia. His first act of authority was to send an am- 
bassador to Catharine, soliciting her protection for his people. 
The request was graciously granted ; the designs of the Rus- 
sians acquired a colour of justice, and they became more than 
half masters of a country, where they had a legal pretence 
for continuing their troops. Souvarof was among the number 
of the generals chosen by Potemkin, to occupy the Crimea, 
and watch the motions of the Tartars. 

But the ambition of Catharine was not satisfied. Shaim 
Guerai, though but the shadow of a sovereign, had the name 
of king, and Catharine aspired to the name as well as the 
substance of power. To gratify her, Potemkin renewed his 
intrigues which he seconded by menaces, and the terrified Khan 
consented to yield up his crown and acknowledge the em- 
press as his sovereign, on condition of receiving a pension 
of two hundred thousand roubles. Catharine immediately is- 
sued a manifesto in which, under the pretence of assigning 
fixed and visible boundaries to her empire, and of maintain- 
ing perpetual peace (a specious argument, but in this instance 
destitute of truth or justice) she annexed to her territories 
not only the Crimea, but also the island of Taman, and the 
Kuban ; for the latter had been ensnared like the Tartars of 
Crimea. Her troops finished the affair by penetrating into all 
parts of the Crimea, and the other countries which Russia 
had resolved to possess. They occupied the fortresses, and 
each chief of the different divisions of the army was invested 
with the power of receiving the oath of fidelity from the Tar- 



SOUVAROF. $r> 

tars- Souvarof was sent into the Kuban with this commission, 
and made commander in chief of all the troops stationed in 
that country. 

It was a memorable day that saw the fierce descendants of 
Gcngis Khan, the conquerors of half the world, the ancient 
masters of the Russians, whose prince was obliged to bow 
the knee when he presented the yearly tribute to the Tartar 
Khan, reduced to the necessity of prostrating themselves be- 
fore their former slaves, and compelled to become the humble 
subjects of a colossal empire, whose grandeur had been swell- 
ed by the domains of their ancestors. It was a day worthy of 
being cited from a host of years, when a christian people, 
avenging the long misfortunes of their brethren, planted the 
standard of the cross in the face of a hostile religion, and in 
this menacing attitude which pointed out to the enemies of 
the faith the fate that awaited them, announced to the world a 
revolution, which at some future day would change the appear- 
ance of Europe and of Asia. If there ever was a conquest 
that could exalt the hopes of the successful party, weaken 
the courage of the vanquished, attract the notice of the na- 
tions of the globe, and open an unbounded field for the medi- 
tation of philosophers, it was the conquest of the Crimea and 
the Kuban by the Russian armies. 

After the entire submission of the people of these two coun- 
tries and the conclusion of the ceremony by which they ac- 
knowledged themselves subjects, the different corps of the 
Russian army were dispersed into various posts. Souvarof 
remained in the Kuban. He had administered the oath of 
fidelity with the utmost solemnity, and spared no pains to 
attach the inhabitants to the Russian cause ; for he wisely 
supposed that though their resistance had been crushed, their 
friendship had not been conciliated. But he carefully provid- 
ed every method of security, in case his efforts to gain their 
hearts were unsuccessful. The troops under hi^ command 



36 THE LIFE OF 

consisting of five regiments of infantry, ten squadrons of 
dragoons, twenty of hussars and twenty-iivc of Cossacks, 
were distributed in various quarters ; part of them in the 
environs of the ancient fort of Koppil,part in the entrench- 
ments near Taman on the Black Sea, and the rest were sta- 
tioned in the plains of Taman near Asoph, occupying lines 
defended by redoubts and little forts constructed many years 
before, to protect the government of Asoph against the plun- 
dering incursions of the Circassians. These lines now 
became useful to the Russians on another account, as they 
were the key to the Kuban, and secured this new possession 
from the insurrection of the Tartars. Souvarof repaired 
and increased them ; and under his directions the forts be- 
came so strong as to be out of all danger of attack, from a 
nation who were ignorant of the use of artillery. During 
the winter of 1777, and the spring of the following year, 
Souvarof employed three thousand men upon these works, 
and pushed them forward with such vigour, that the general 
who succeeded him had scarcely any addition to make. In 
the summer of 1778 Souvarof was ordered to repair to the 
Crimea, to supply the place of Prince Frosorowski, and the 
command of all the troops in the Crimea, even to the Dnieper, 
was bestowed upon him. The whole consisted of about fifty 
thousand men, forming the most advanced division of the 
grand army, under the orders of field marshal Roman- 
zof. 

In the month of August, the Turkish fleet, of a hundred 
and sixty sail, appeared oft' the Crimea, and although war 
had not been declared between the Russians and Turks, the 
Jatter thought themselves as much entitled to the Crimea as 
the former, and prepared to affect a landing ; having first 
sent a formal protest to general Souvarof against the occu- 
pancy of that country by the Russians. The danger was 
urgent. The Turks had a formidable force, and the Rus- 
sians had not completed their plans of defence. The genius 



SOUVAROF. 

of Souvarof extricated them from their embarrassment. Va 
replied to the protest by immediately transporting his artil- 
lery to the threatened points, and placed behind it lines of 
infantry, ready to fire upon the enemy if they attempted to 
land. The Turks had no orders to fight. It must be pre- 
sumed that they only intended to intimidate the Russians, and 
thus acquire a footing in the Crimea. The bold aspect 
Souvarof on the contrary, intimidated them ; and they retir- 
ed. Thus our hero, to whom all nature furnished not a single 
object of fear, conquered without a battle. 

He would in all probability have repulsed the Turks, had 
they attempted to force a landing. The empress, to testify 
her satisfaction, conferred on him the order of S. Alexander, 
and a snuff-box enriched with diamonds, which she had her- 
self used. 

Souvarof returned some time after this to the command of 
the Kuban ; whose refractory inhabitants required the controul 
of an oiliccr of genius. He gave two grand entertainments 
to the hordes of Nogay Tartars. Three thousand of them 
attended the first, and nearly six thousand the second. A 
hundred oxen, eight hundred sheep, and thirty -two thousand 
pints of brandy, were prepared for this feast. During the 
height of their festivity the animated Tartars were unbound- 
ed in their professions of attachment. All the chiefs, at the 
suggestion of Souvarof, swore upon the Koran to obscrvt 
good faith and obedience to the Empress, whom they acknow- 
ledged to be their sovereign. But the fumes of the liquor had 
scarcely evaporated, when they repented of their oath. An 
insurrection broke out in the hordes who had been just sub- 
dued, and symptons of dissatisfaction appeared among the 
Tartars of the Crimea, and the island of Taman. The Rus- 
sians endeavoured to arrest many of the Khans, accused of 
being the authors of these troubles ; but they escaped, and 
retired to the mountains of the Kuban, where they increased 



8H THE LIFE OF 

the number of the discontented. The court of Petersburg 
concluded that some decisive step was necessary to reduce 
these people, who seemed determined that the Russians should 
never be peaceable possessors of their country* Souvarof 
therefore received orders, to pursue the rebels into the inte- 
rior, and subdue them effectually, either by carrying them off, 
dispersing, or destroying them. In the execution of these 
orders, his march was equally bold and painful. He passed 
the Kuban river, and bent his course towards the mountains 
of Caucasus, where the Nogays had taken refuge. The dif- 
ficulties which he had to surmount are almost inconceivable. 
There was no road ; and the torrents which obstructed his 
progress in their descent from the mountains, the steep rocks 
surmounted by thick woods on one hand and marshy vallies 
on the other, added to scanty means of subsistence, all contri- 
buted to render the march fatiguing. It was necessary, more- 
over, to move with precaution, lest the Nogays should sus- 
pect and discover them. Nevertheless, the patience and har- 
diness of he Russians, stimulated by the example of their 
general, overcame every obstacle. Constantly in the midst 
of his soldiers, Souvarof followed the system which he had 
adopted in his youth, and which he persevered in even at the 
head of an hundred thousand men, by partaking of the toils, 
the dangers and the food of his troops. He encouraged them 
by gay conversation, and even by those buffooneries with 
which strangers have acrimoniously reproached him : forget- 
ting that what might have appeared gross to them, must have 
appeared natural to the Russians, whose lower classes were 
yet comparatively uncivilized. Always full of conversation, 
familiar and jocular with the soldiers, whose disposition to 
gaiety he knew, Souvarof was stern and severe to the officer 
whose conduct tended in the least towards insubordination. 
No General was ever more gracious to his troops $ no one 
was ever more feared and respected ; no one ever exacted 
more or was better obeyed. The polished inhabitant of a city 
may ridicule the character of Souvarof, but the experienced 



SOUVAROF. 89 

soldier will admire it ; ioi- lio knows the price of military suc- 
cess, and that too much cannot be done to secure it. The 
plan of Souvarof succeeded. His expedition was crowned 
with the most favourable result. The Nogays were surprised 
in retreats which they deemed inaccessible. As they made a 
vigorous resistance, numbers of them were slain. The Rus- 
sians took many prisoners, and carried off all the women and 
children. The remainder of the tribe was dispersed : but 
they were so few that they were no longer dangerous. Sou- 
varof repassed tin 4 Kuban river, and sent his troops into win- 
ter-quarters. 

In 1783 the empress of Russia undertook a remarkable en* 
terprize, worthy of her vast genius. War existed in India 
between the English and French. Hyder Ali, who was on 
the side of the latter, and then in the height of his success, had 
advanced beyond the Orixa. The people to the north of Ben- 
gal, driven from their usual channels of commerce by the war, 
conceived the plan of carrying the iron which they had to 
sell to the frontiers of Siberia. This circumstance suggested 
a grand scheme to the mind of Catharine. She caused a 
fleet to be equipped at Astrachan, the command of which she 
gave to Souvarof, with orders to seize upon Astrabat on the 
northern side of the Caspian sea, and to form an establish- 
ment there, from which the Russians might penetrate at some 
future day, into the interior of India. As there was a com- 
munication from Astrachan by the Volga, the Mita, Lake 
Yemen, the Vologda, the canal of Ladoga, and the Neva, to 
Petersburg, the consequence of success would be, that the 
sovereigns of Russia would see the riches and precious com- 
modities of Indostan brought to the walls of their palace, 
without danger and with little expense. This project failed, 
through the intrigues of the British, and the fortunate turn of 
the war in India, which restored the commerce of Bengal to 
its usual channels. Souvarof quitted A strachan and took the 

road to Petersburg, and wasatt ached to the division of troops 

M 



50 THE LIFE OF 

stationed in that government. This was in 1784 : — Three 
years were then spent in unavoidable quiet ; for Russia 
enjoyed a profound peace, until Turkey declared war against 
her in 1787. If, however, the tented field was abandoned by 
Souvarof, during this interval, it was only that he might 
return to it with renewed fame. The time which was lost to 
practice was gpcnt on theory ; and this general, who by a false 
prejudice has been esteemed illiterate, because, by a prejudice 
equally absurd, all Russian gentlemen are thought to be igno- 
rant, was in reality, the best informed general in Europe, 
with regard to the history and principles of his profession. 



j 



SOUVAROF. yi 



CHAPTER IV. 

Souvarof is made commander in chief- — Journey of the empress 
into the Crimea — Second war with the Turks — Campaigns of 
±787 and 8 — The Turks often defeated by Souvarof — Cam- 
paign of 1789 — Battle of Rymrick — Campaign of 1790-— 
Taking of Ismail — Peace of Jassy — Reflections. 

WE are now about to witness the entry of Souvarof upon 
a more extensive field of action, than that in which he Iras 
been hitherto engaged. We are about to sec him honored 
with the confidence of the supreme head of the empire, and 
absolved from the necessity of accounting to a rigid superior 
for every movement. As it was thus in his power to direct 
his own operations, and dispose of his own means, we shall 
be able to form an accurate opinion of his merit, and to cast 
a merited censure upon him, if his conduct as a commander in 
chief does not equal the expectations, which his conduct as a 
subaltern officer excited. At the same time, we may be per- 
mitted to add to our commendations, if all these expectations 
are fulfilled. 

A biographer is generally disposed to become an enthusiast 
in favour of his hero. We shall strive to avoid this fault with 
the same care that we have hitherto exercised. If Souvarof 
has been constantly praised, it was because we found no occa- 
sion for censure. We have seen him a zealous, assiduous, 
intrepid and indefatigable soldier, simple in his manners and 
devoted to his profession. Not one of his actions discovers 
avarice or ambition, nor have we ever found him forgetting 
his duty to attend to his pleasures. We have seen him a 
stranger to gallantry and love, which be probably considered 
as a weakness in a warrior charered with the Guidance of 
others, and no less a stranger to court intrigues, so common 



m THE LIFE OF 

in his country, and especially in the reign of Catharine. He 
has now arrived at the age of fifty-six years, nearly forty of 
which have heen spent in the array. He has fought the Prus- 
sians, the Poles, the Turks, and the Tartars. Against the 
first he did more at the head of a few hundred men, than the 
generals of Russia at the head of eighty thousand. He over- 
came the most adroit leaders of the second, disconcerted 
their measures and destroyed their hopes. He conquered the 
third in battle after battle, and already inspired them with a 
portion of that terror, which they afterwards felt at the 
mention of his name. He has subdued the most refractory 
and savage hordes of Tartars, and at last reached the high 
rank of lieutenant-general. This elevated station could not, 
after such exploits, have been conferred upon him from favour 
alone, /We do not pretend to say, that the character of Sou- 
varof was entirely free from defects ; but then these defects 
had no influence upon his public character. His singularities 
now began to be known in the world. Perhaps they might 
have made him unsociable and even dull in private life, as 
there they were out of their proper sphere of action. We 
admit that our researches to invalidate or confirm this suspi- 
cion, have not been very profound. But of what importance 
is it ? It is not a hero in his morning gown that we wish to 
represent to the public. History is no comedy intended to 
depict the ridiculous traits of private life. Its represen- 
tations are intended to instruct, and should be introduced 
with a solemnity which will cause them to be respected. The 
object of history is not to teach men that a hero, composed of 
the same frail materials as themselves, is subject in private 
life to their follies and weaknesses. It is to give them useful 
lessons : to show them the faculties of this hero on important 
occasions, where moral agency is alone employed. ' 

As soon as the Crimea was subdued, the prince Potemkin 
attached to his work, and perceiving the importance of the 
acquisition, in a political, military, agricultural and com- 



SOUVAROF. 

mereial point of view, wished t» throw a splendour over the 
country 9 which would hasten its civilization, and develop its 
resources. He prevailed on the empress to verity it by her 
presence, in order to let the inhabitants and the world know 
the value which she attached to its crown, by taking possession 
of it in person. The celebrated journey was then decided on 
which exhibited to the eye3 of astonished Europe, the pomp 
of fabled conquerors. Potemkin, whose ideas were as 
remarkable as they were great, conceived plans and detail 
which nothing but the political constitution of Russia, and the 
natural appearance of the country where they were to be 
performed, could have enabled him to realize $ and which the 
other nations of Europe, judging from the state of thi» ; 
among themselves, thought almost incredible. The whole 
Russian army was destined to swell the train of the empress. 
It was posted in divisions from Moscow, even to the Crimea ; 
so that each step would evince proofs of her power, and show 
her thousands of arms ready to push that power still further. 
The best generals were stationed at those places, where the 
empress intended to remain for sometime, and were taught to 
prepare the troops to appear with proper splendour. Souva- 
rof was honourably treated by Potemkin. He received the 
command of the division at Krementschuck, a town at 
which the empress was to embark on the Dnieper. This divi- 
sion, composed of twelve thousand infantry, the choicest 
troops in the army, and three thousand Cossacks, was equip- 
ped anew, and was destined to perform some manoeuvres in 
the presence of the empress, in order to amuse her during 
her stay at Krementschuck. Souvarof set out fortius place 
in November, 1786, and before his departure was appointed 
commander in chief. 

The empress commenced her journey from Petersburg on 
the 18th January, 1787. But owing to her delay in many of 
the towns through which she passed, she did not arrive at 
Krementschuck until the end of April, 



9i THE LIFE OF 

Every thing was ready for her reception. Souvarof had 
not passed the winter there in vain. When the empress (for 
whom Potemkin had huilt a palace and superb garden) had 
recovered from the fatigues of her journey, the manoeuvres 
commenced. They were executed not only with precision, 
but with that sprightliness of which the Russians had been 
hitherto destitute. Souvarof was delighted with an opportu- 
nity of exercising them in the representation of war, so that 
his evolutions might be comprehended in the hour of battle ; 
and rejoiced that the applauses of his sovereign sanctioned 
the innovation. Catharine was surprised and gratified in the 
highest degree, as well as all the court. On the evening 
before her departure, this princess, who wished to make her 
journey a time of rejoicing to her subjects, by scattering 
rewards and benefits around her, distributed her favours to 
those in the neighbourhood of Krementschuck. She pro- 
moted a number of general and subaltern officers. She 
bestowed crosses, and ribbons, and diamonds. A croud of 
soldiers and courtiers were advanced, in proportion as they 
merited her favour. The name of Souvarof alone did not 
appear upon any list. When the empress, surrounded by her 
court, acquainted each one with the marks of approbation 
which he had received, Souvarof stood apart, seeming to be 
satisfied with the portion which had already fallen to his share. 
" And you general/ 5 said Catharine, turning towards him, 
" do you ask nothing ?'' " Madam," replied the stern and 
sarcastic warrior, " I request you to pay for my lodgings." 
It amounted to three roubles. This laconic reply, delivered 
in a style little kno\yn at the Russian court, proves the disin- 
terestedness of Souvarof; but it proves also the contempt in 
which he held the avarice of courtiers, and the rude freedom 
with which he spoke his sentiments, however harsh might be 
their application. 

The empress embarked at Krementschuck, to descend the 
Dnieper to Cherson. That no accident might happen upon 



SOUVAROF. 91 

the ?*iver, the bottom of it h.lcl been searched, and all 
impediments removed, with incredible labour. Enchantment 
seemed to have waved its wand over the banks. Nature lias 
lavished her bounties on tins fertile country, but the assisting 
hand of man lias not drawn forth the bidden treasures, owing: 
to a scattered population, as rich and productive land as any 
in the world was lying neglected and waste. Potcmkin reme- 
died this defect, by artificial means, lie made all t he peasants 
in the neighbourhood remove to the river, with their cattle 
and their wooden cabins, which are easily transported. He 
made them build villages upon its borders, which added beauty 
to the prospect. The cattle were spread through the fertile 
meadows ; trees newly planted gave a freshness to the land- 
scapes ; and the reflection forcibly occurred to every one, how 
-delicious a country it would be, if the population equalled the 
luxuriance of the soil. The strangers who accompanied 
Catharine, or who afterwards pursued the same route, adopted 
lofty ideas respecting the Ukraine and Litcie Russia. Tney 
disseminated them through Europe, and it is owing to the 
journey to the Crimea that the empire received accessions of 
numerous colonies of Germans, of Swiss and of Poles, who 
established themselves in these southern latitudes, and whose 
efforts are contributing to make it one of the most opulent 
countries in the world. 

At Cherson a spectacle of another kind suggested reflections 
to the commercial man, similar to those winch struct the 
mind of the agriculturist, in the Ukraine. From the 
position of this port, and its astonishing increase since its 
recent foundation, he might easily have calculated how favour- 
able it was for commercial speculations. The Crimea now 
thrown open for the first time, showed Europe a sort of ter- 
restrial paradise, of which they had been ignorant since the 
Genoese were driven from it by the Turks, and tiic fortunate 
inhabitants of which had nothing to desire but peace and 
tranquility. 



96 THE LIFE OF 

We may now see how politic in every point of view, was 
this journey to the Crimea ; which people at that time 
affected to consider as a sort of juggle, by Potemkin. The 
empress and her minister had one common object. They 
both knew the advantage that would accrue to Russia, from 
the possession of the Crimea, in the event of a war with Tur- 
key. They both wished to re-commence a war with this 
power ; because they were certain that it would be a glorious 
one, and because they hoped to attain the grand object of 
subverting the empire of Constantinople. They were both, 
in fine, persuaded, that although it might be a cause of 
exciting the jealousy and hostility of the Turks, yet it would 
carry a show of ostentation to resist them in provinces which 
they had not yielded without trembling, and the loss of which 
they regretted every day. This was precisely the result. 
The empress had scarcely returned to Petersburg, where she 
arrived in the latter part of July, when the Divan often 
having remonstrated and demanded explanations from the 
Russian minister at Constantinople without waiting for the 
reply of the cabinet of Petersburg, but inflamed with a desire 
of vengeance, declared war against Russia, and imprisoned 
her minister in the Seven Towers. This happened on the 
18th of August, 1787. 

Souvarof had followed the empress to Cherson, while she 
was in the Crimea — as she returned he preceded her. By the 
instructions of Potemkin he repaired to Pultowa in the 
Ukraine, to assemble a corps of the army, which, as the 
empress passed through the town, exhibited an exact repre- 
sentation of that celebrated battle, in which Sweden, through 
the folly of her monarch, lost perhaps for ever, her influence 
in the affairs of Europe, whilst Russia, through the sagacity 
of hers, laid the foundation of that power, which sixty years 
afterwards astonished the world. At Pultowa Souvarof 
took have of the empress, and received from her a box 
enriched with diamonds, as a testimonial of her gratification. 



SOUVAROF. 9V 

He then proceeded to pass some time with Potemkin, at an 
estate which the latter hud purchased from Prince Lubomirs- 
ki, on the frontiers of Poland. Here they concerted at their 
leisure the plans of the war. Potetnkin had received the 
command of all the Russian forces, that there might he no 
impediment to the execution of his vast projects ; and he felt 
the necessity of being* assisted by generals of the temper of 
Souvarof. The Turks were at this time in the possession of 
Oczakof, where they had a considerable fleet. It was easy to 
foresee that they would sally forth from this place, insult the 
coast of the Crimea, harass it by attempting descents, and 
endeavour to revive the party which supported their cause. 
Potemkin resolved to lay siege to this fortress in the ensuing 
campaign* after having driven the Turkish armies, by ma- 
noeuvres and battles, from the vicinity of the place and from 
the banks of the Danube. But as it was necessary to protect 
the town of Cherson and fortress of Kinbourn, as these 
places covered the Crimea, and as the whole maritime force of 
the Russians was there assembled, Potemkin induced the em- 
press to entrust their defence to Souvarof. He accordingly 
set out in the latter part of August, to assume the direction of 
the troops v. ho were collected about Cherson. 

Each of the two empires evinced by its preparations, the 
deep interest which it had in the event of the approaching 
struggle. Turkey did not conceal her intention of destroying 
Russia ; nor did Russia less unhesitatingly avow that her 
object was to crush her enemy, and build up her own glory on 
the ruins. According to established usage each published a 
manifesto, in support of the justice of its cause. Both 
abounded with the common complaints. Russia accused 
Turkey of seeking to elude the last treaty ; whilst Turkey 
with more justice alledged, that Russia violated every article 
of it every day. It was not the pen, however, that could 
decide the dispute. These insignificant pieces, fit only to 

amuse the loungers of the two capitols, are not at the present 

N 



95 THE LIFE OF 

day even documents for history. Besides, where is the neces- 
sity of appealing* in support of their rights to the tribunal of 
the public, which neither party recognizes, whilst each one 
has its force at its own disposal, and each one constitutes itself 
the judge in its own cause ? The Turks and Russians placed 
no great confidence in the efficacy of such an appeal ; for each 
(5ne put two hundred thousand men in motion, for the support 
of its manifesto. Eighty thousand of the former marched 
through Moldavia to Oczakof, to prevent its being besieged. 
A hundred thousand under the command of the grand Vizier 
approached the borders of the Danube, to defend its passage; 
and sixteen ships of the line and eight frigates, with a great 
number of galleys, entered the Black Sea, under the command 
of the Capudar Pacha. 

The Russians presented an aspect equally formidable. The 
declaration of war had occasioned (contrary to the usual 
effect of such a circumstance J an extraordinary joy. Victo- 
ries and triumphs appeared certain, and the power of Russia 
seemed to verge towards a point of grandeur, of which the 
Roman empire alone afforded an example. Where was the 
Russian unwilling to lend his aid, in shedding such glory 
round his countrv ? Potemkin was named generalissimo of 
the forces, and he had under him the generals Repnin, Paul 
Potemkin, Souvarof, Galitzen, Koutousof, Kaminski and a 
number of others. The troops were spread from the Ukraine 
to the Kuban. 

The army of this last province was only intended to defend 
it from invasion, to keep the Tartars in check, and prevent them 
from making diversions in favour of the Turks. For the 
same purposes the Crimea was strongly garrisoned. But the 
two active armies were that of Bessarabia destined to drive 
away the Turks from Oczakof and take the town, and that 
of Moldavia whose movements were intended to assist the 
operations of the preceding, by dividing the forces of the 



SOUVAROF. 99 

Turks and confining them to the Danube* Potemkin took the 
command of the army of Bessarabia in person, which 
amounted to upwards of a hundred thousand men ; the com- 
mand of the other was confided to general Count Soltikof, 
who was assisted by the prince of Saxc Cohourg at the 
head of thirty thousand Austrians. 

We have not yet mentioned the coalition which existed 
between the two imperial courts of Russia and Austria, for 
the destruction of the Turkish empire in Europe, and the 
partition of its vast provinces. This arrangement was medi- 
tated for along time and finally concluded during the journey 
of the empress to the Crimea, in which she was accompanied 
by Joseph II. the emperor of Austria. The two sovereigns 
readily agreed to the war which they were to carry on in 
common. Joseph was no less ambitious or enterprising than 
Catharine.* He saw many opportunities of aggrandizing 

* This singular prince possessed great talents, but knew not how to 
use them ; he was passionately desirous of the prosperity of his subjects, 
and yet all his life tormented them ; he conceived grand designs and 
always executed contemptible ones ; he was anxious that his reign should 
make the Austrian monarchy formidable and united, and yet sowed such 
dissention between its component parts that the mischief is perhaps irrepa- 
rable ; he was intended by Heaven to be the benefactor of his people, but 
became their scourge, because he was led astray by the false spirit of the 
times. Had Joseph II. lived sixty years sooner or ten years later, he 
would have fulfilled the designs of Providence. But living when he did, 
he failed in the performance of his part, because he thought, unfortunately, 
that it was a mark of wisdom to reject the experience of ages. Seduced 
by the ideas of philosophy at that time prevalent, he had a mania for 
reforming and perfecting every thing, and thought, like the unthinking 
writers whose systems he adopted that to order a reform would be toeffec- 
tuate it, and that perfection must follow of course, from the establishment 
of new laws, apparently better than the old ones. This erroneous opinion 
(which may be branded as mad, in as much as it rejects the experience of 
ages, and disdains to employ time, the most powerful instrument that nature 
has put into the hands cf men) became unaccountably fashionable in the 



100 THE LIFE OF 

himself at the expense of his weak or distracted neighbours, 
and he thought himself obliged to subdue them to make them 
more happy $ believing the measure perfectly consistent with 
justice and humanity. Such was the strange confidence of the 
two courts, that adopting the sweeping phrases of certain de- 
clamatory writers, they did not hesitate to say in their mani- 
festoes that it was the duty of christian princes to suffer the 
Turks to be in Europe no longer; so that while sharing the spoils 
of these infidels, they had the appearance of avenging the 
cause of religion and oppressed mankind. To secure this end 
Joseph II. beside the corps which he sent into Moldavia to 
join the Russians, laid siege to Belgrade and invaded Servia 
with an hundred thousand men. 

rulers of nations in the last century. Its effects have been beneficial no 
where but in England, where philanthrophy, a branch of the philosophy, 
tempered by a firm, prudent, and stable government has really ameliorated 
the condition of men in the social state. But in France and Spain where 
these notions were adopted by the ministers, and in Austria, Prussia and 
Sweden where they infected the throne itself, they only occasioned a re- 
laxation of the bonds of society, a corruption of the public morals, a dimi- 
nution of respect for ancient institutions and with tiris a loss of national 
spirit and energy. It is remarkable that Catharine II. who maintained an 
intimate correspondence with cotemporaneous philosophers and in her let- 
ters appeared to be their disciple, manifested in her conduct the entire 
reverse of their principles and counsels. During- this time, this woman, 
who set kings an example, made herself feared and honoured through 
Europe and exa^ed her subjects to an elevated rank among the nations of 
the world. It is admitting- a false and pernicious principle, to believe that 
nations can be regenerated by new constitutions, or that more j'ist and ad- 
vantageous relations can be established by fresh partitions or new distri- 
butions of territory. Combinations of this sort cannot revive public hap- 
piness. In days of old, before the institution of Christianity, when there 
was no law of nations or common system of morality, a legislator disco- 
vered truths hidden from the vulgar and made them the foundation of his 
legislation, correcting morals by laws. By introducing new forms of 
polity he gave more consistency and power to the state, secured it against 
invasion, bent the inclinations of th-2 people to one particular object and 
extending his regulations even to the common details of life, directed them 



SOUVAHOF. 101 

Everything prognosticated the ruin of the Ottoman empire. 
Without allies, without assistance, relying upon itself alone, 
it had only its own undisciplined and ignorant hands to oppose 
the host troops in Europe. The Turks, however, had the 
boldness to strike the fust blow, and Souvarof had the honor 
of repulsing them. They profitted by the forces which they 
had at Oczakof, whose position favoured their plans against 
the south of Russia, to make an attack on that side. They 
supposed it would be easy to surprise the little fortress of 
Kinbourn*and capture it before any succours could reach it. 
The Pacha of Oczakof embarked six thousand men in shal- 
lops and directed them to land on a little tongue of sandy 
ground which makes out into the sea at some distance from 

according- to his wishes, like children in leading- strings. But all this was 
only partial : nations were then separated from each other by insurmount- 
able prejudices, their opinions were contradictory, their differences of 
character marked. Now on the contrary every thing tends to unity. There 
is but one religion and this religion is the basis of morality ; this morality 
is again the foundation of opinions, of laws, of manners, of civil and poli- 
tical rights. It regulates the relations of individuals with one another by 
the same principles that it does the concerns of nations ; it is the same for 
all, known equally to kings and shepherds ; no man devised it, none can 
change it, for its assistance is not from the earth. This morality draws 
men together ; they resemble each other now, as much as they were disse- 
milar before. They see a common tie, a common object, and one grand 
rule of conduct, stronger than all the little differences in their usages and 
institutions. "Whether the world is divided into great or small states, whe- 
ther these states are circumscribed in this way or in that, whether the 
inhabitants are divided into a greater or less number of classes is all a 
matter unconnected with human happiness or the perfection of the social 
state. Once let morality become universal, bringing with it its inseparable 
companions, humanity, toleration, liberty and peace, and every thing will 
do well : the duty of a. king will be easy, and politicians and legislators 
become superfluous. 

* Kinbourn is built on a peninsula in front of Oczakof and its position is 
such that it commands the entrance to the harbour. It was therefore as 
necessary to be taken by the Turks as preserved by the Russians. 



102 THE LIFE OF 

the fort. Souvarof happened to be on this spot which he had 
visited to prepare against an attack. Behind the fortress there 
was a body of troops encamped : orders were given to them 
as well as the garrison of Kinbourn to throw no obstacle in 
the way to hinder the Turks from landing. Persuaded that 
they should find the Russians unprepared, the Turks disem- 
barked from their boats, a great number of which, by order 
of the commander, returned to Oczakof for reinforcements. 
Six thousand then advanced towards the town to carry it by 
assault ; but the Russians were ready to receive them. At a 
given signal, three regiments of Cossacks issued from the 
camp and a regiment of infantry sallied from the fort and 
impetuously charged the Turks, who were astonished at find- 
ing themselves attacked, instead of being the assailants. But 
depending on their numbers they stood firm, and a bloody 
contest commenced, which seemed to threaten the defeat of 
the Russians, notwithstanding their unyielding courage. 
Surrounded by enemies, overwhelmed by numbers, they 
could scarcely keep their ground. The superiority of their 
tactics was at this moment of no service, for every manoeuvre 
was impracticable. Croud was opposed to croud : the intre- 
pid Souvarof fought in the midst of his soldiers sword in hand. 
His horse was killed under him and he himself at last received 
a musket ball in the shoulder — the wound was washed and 
bound up by a Cossack and he returned to the battle. His 
aspect, his voice, inspired his sinking troops with fresh cou- 
rage : re-animated by his presence they persisted in the fight, 
until time was afforded to a reinforcement of ten squadrons of 
light dragoons and some infantry who had been sent for by 
Souvarof to arrive upon the field of battle. The cavalry 
decided the contest. The Turks already in confusion were 
not able to sustain the shock of a body of horse, who charged 
them in column without giving the smallest time for prepa- 
ration. Flight was impossible and they fought in despair, 
dying bravely on the ground. The few who escaped to the 
water-side, not being able to find their boats, were driven by 



SOUVAROF. 103 

the Cossacks into the waves, or cut to pieces on the shore. 
The loss of the Russians was of course considerable and an 
immense number of them were wounded. On the occasion 
of this victory, which was the first in the war, the te deum 
was solemnly chaunted at Petersburg, and the empress wrote 
with her own hand a flattering letter to Souvarof. This 
severe check disgusted the Turks with descents ; but they 
continued to cruise around the peninsula and occasionally to 
harass it with the cannon of their vessels. To drive them off 
and guard against any future surprise, Souvarof, who happily 
soon recovered from his wound, caused a battery to be erected 
on the side of the peninsula next to Oczakof. This battery 
sometime afterwards greatly assisted the prince of Nassau, 
Siegen, commander of the galleys at Nicotaef, in an attack 
upon the Turkish fleet, which had entered the Linian. The 
prince burned a part of this fleet, as the squadron of Oczakof 
restrained by the battery of which we are speaking, could 
give them no assistance. 

During the spring and part of the summer of 1788, the 
Russian fleets under the command of the American Paul 
Jones, and the prince of Nassau, obtained many victories over 
the Turkish fleet of Oczakof. Indeed it was almost entirely 
destroyed, and this misfortune, added to the loss of six thou- 
sand men killed or taken prisoners at Kinbourn, who were 
the flower of the garrison of Oczakof, had considerably weak- 
ened that place, when prince Potemkin came to besiege it, at 
the head of a formidable army, on the 29th of August. The 
garrison yet consisted of about thirty thousand men, added 
to which the inhabitants all became soldiers when the town 
was to be defended against their most bitter enemies. The 
safety of Oczakof excited all their zeal : they justly regarded 
it as one of the ramparts of the empire and knew that its 
capture would rivet the Russian yoke upon their allies the 
Tartars, whose only communication with Turkey was through 
Oczakof. This was precisely the'reason why Potemkin was 



10* THE LIFE OF 

so anxious to retluee it. He was convinced that until he was 
master of this fortress, the possession of the Crimea and of 
the rivers Kuban and Dniester which he had acquired for 
.Russia, was held by a frail tenure, and of course the grand 
operations which he had meditated against the Ottoman 
empire must be totally relinquished. Every movement in 
the campaign was therefore directed with the view to the siege 
of Oczakof, and hitherto every one had succeeded. On the 
left of the grand army, the generals Godovitch and Tekeli 
had kept the Kuban Tartars in check, and prevented them 
from aiding the Turks on the right, the generals Soitikof and 
Cobourg united, had taken Choczim the key of Moldavia, 
and driven back the Turks to the banks of the Danube. In 
the centre, the victories of Souvarof and Nassau had cleared 
the sea of Mussulmen ; and general Ribas had lately seized 
upon the island of Berezan at the mouth of the Dnieper, the 
only shelter which remained for the Turkish vessels carrying 
succours and supplies to the besieged place. By all these 
successes, Oczakof was entirely surrounded, and prince 
Potemkin pressed it still more closely with eighty thousand 
men. 

The prince ordered Souvarof to join him, who instantly left 
Kinbourn and assumed the command of a corps before Ocza- 
kof. The garrison of this place, finding themselves thrown 
entirely upon their own resources, so far from being intimi- 
dated were more obstinate in their defence. Occasional sallies 
had been made from the fort since the commencement of the 
siege and they now continued them with fresh vigour. On 
one of these occasions, Souvarof rushed forward almost alone 
to prevent a regiment from flying, which was exceedingly 
pressed by the Turks, and was exposed to a severe and close 
fire of musfjuetry — he received a ball in his neck and was 
carried from the field. From his repugnance to submit to a 
regular course of medical treatment, the wound assumed a 
dangerous appearance and he was obliged to be removed to 



SOUVAROF. 10.3 

Kinbourn : there he was seized with a violent lever. Every 
day's dressing discovered extraneous substances which 
were necessary to be removed with excessive pain, 
and this occasioned a considerable inflammation. The gan- 
grene spread, and the knife was constantly resorted to. The 
wound at length brought him to the very gates of death, and 
Russia was in danger of lamenting the loss of ono of her 
bravest defenders as well as most affectionate sons. But the 
strength of a vigorous constitution that riots and debauchery 
had never impaired, at last triumphed over the fever, and at 
the end of a month he was declared out of danger. But his 
convalescence was long and the surgeons were rigorous in 
excluding every thing relating to military fatigue before he 
was thoroughly cured. On his bed he heard of the fall of 
Oczakof, which had been taken by his companions on the 6th 
of December after a terrible assault. The chagrin of not 
being able to bear apart in this brilliant exploit, would have 
caused his relapse, if it had not been merged in the joy which 
he felt at the triumphs of his country. 

In the early part of 1789, Souvarof, now perfectly restored, 
made a journey to Petersburg. He was graciously received 
by the empress, who, as she could not raise him in military 
rank, presented with a plume of diamonds for his casque, 
having the letter K as a cypher alluding to his exploits at 
Kinbourn. After having spent the winter in the capitol whose 
delights could not overcome his regret at being absent from 
the army, he returned to the scene of action in the first month 
of spring. Jassy was at this time the head-quarters of 
Potemkin. Souvarof was instructed to take the command 
of a corps of the army which covered his operations in Mol- 
davia and co-operate with the prince of Saxe Cobourg the 
Austrian general, who again assisted the movements of the 
grand army in Sen ia under field-marshal Laudon. The 
object of the eampaign was the conquest of Belgrade and 

Scrvia, then of Wallaehia by the Austrians and that of Mol- 
O 



10S THE LIFE OF 

hilatehim before reinforcements could arrive. Cobourg who 
required assistance, applied to Souvarof. Anxiously seeking 
occasions of acquiring glory, and sensible that the allies of his 
empress ought to be regarded as his brothers in arms, 
Souvarof set out immediately with seven thousand chosen 
troops, and a few pieces of artillery, but without baggage. 
Leaving Berlat, he traversed the most difficult mountains and 
woods rather than deviate from a direct course, and without 
stopping at night, marched twenty-four leagues in thirty -six 
hours. By this expedition, unprecedented in the annals of 
modern war, he joined Cobourg just as he was about to be 
attacked. 

It was evening when Souvarof arrived and he decided 
that the enemy should be attacked. The next morning at the 
break of day the two armies made their dispositions to pass 
the Putna, and' march against the Turks, who on their side 
advanced to meet their antagonists. The opposite banks of 
the river ,being open and lit for the movements of infantry, the 
Russians were advantageously situated for crossing ; for it 
was necessary to oppose infantry to the Turkish cavalry, 
whose small, active, and exceedingly hardy horses could 
penetrate a mountainous country with the same facility as a 
plain. The Turks disturbed the allies in their passage of the 
river, but were not able to prevent it. After it was completed 
the two armies formed in order of battle, moved forward 
against their enemy. The Austrians were stationed on the 
right and left, and the Russians occupied the centre. The 
Turkish cavalry in two bodies attacked the two wings of the 
allied army ; but with all their impetuosity and fierceness 
they were only able to stop the progress of the advancing 
army for a moment, and could by no means break the square 
battalions, from the midst of which there issued a most deadly 
fire. The allied army continued to advance and arrived 
within reach of the cannon of the Turks encamped at Forhani. 
Their camp was fortified 5 the infantry were placed in the 



SOUVAROF. 109 

centre, the cavalry upon t lie wings* Faithful to his system 
and knowing that the enemy with whom he had to deal was 
formidable only in attack, Souvarof resolved to force the 
Turkish camp ; Cohourg acceded to the plan. The Russians 
and Austrians assailed the intrenchments with fixed bayonets, 
and excited by mutual emulation, surmounted them at the 
expiration of an hour. The carnage was horrible, and the 
retreat of the Turks, as usual, a disorderly flight. They 
were pursued and entirely dispersed. Their cam]) baggage, 
artillery and the magazines which they had collected at some 
distance from Forhani, all became the prey of the con- 
querors.* 

The battle of Forhani was fought on the 21st of July, 1789. 
The emperor Joseph wrote a flattering letter of thanks to 
Souvarof. The success was entirely owing to him : it was 
not the reinforcement that he brought, as much as his presence 
that decided the battle. If he had not arrived, we may assert 
with the greatest confidence, that the Austrians would not 
have attacked the Turks. Remaining within their entrench* 

* We did not wish to interrupt the narration of this battle to mention a 
singular circumstance in the conduct of Souvarof; but it is so illustrative of 
the character of the man, that it is proper to be related in a note. 

When he arrived upon the ground where the prince of Cobourg was 
encamped, the prince waited upon him and requested an interview— -the persons 
who attended upon Souvarof replied, that their general was engaged in prayers, 
and thatno one dared to interrupt him. The prince was exceedingly uneasy, 
as he expected to be attacked every moment. Full of impatience, he came 
again to the quarters of the Russian general — Souvarof was then busy eating 
dry fish, as it was a fast day. The light troops of the Turks now appealed in 
Mght, and the prince made a third attempt to see Souvarof, but he was then 
asleep. At last, at 1L o'clock at night jjhe sent the order of battle to the 
Austrian general without having conversed with him at all. The order was 
written in French ; this being the lan^ua^e used between the Russians and 
Germans. Its contents have been communicated to us by an able French 
officer, who read it at the hou?c of the Austrian general Jordis, at that ti 



110 THE LIFE OF 

ments they would without doubt have repulsed the Turks ; 
but surrounded by the cavalry of the Mussulmen, harassed 
unceasingly, worn down by fatigue and deprived of the means 
of obtaining supplies, they would have lost an immense num- 
ber of men by sickness ; if, on the other hand, they had 
attempted to retreat, their safety must have been purchased 
by a great sacrifice of men. Such is the difference between an 
energetic and irresolute character. Souvarof at the head of 
eighteen thousand Russians would not have applied to Co- 
bourg for assistance, to fight fifty thousand Turks. He would 
have thought himself strong enough to effect that which we 
find he did effect with seven thousand more. Cobourg, had he 
been left to himself, would not have deviated from a plan, 
strictly defensive, and would have seen inevitable defeat where 
the other at the first glance saw a prospect of certain vic- 
tory. 

After the battle of Forhani, Souvarof returned to Berlat to 
oppose the Turks, who appeared anxious to take advantage 
of his absence and the weakness of the corps which he had 

with the army of the prince of Cobourg. It was couched in these terms, « as 
the army is now sufficiently rested," (they arrived at 5 o'clock, and we have 
seen what a march they made) " it will be put in motion at 2 o'clock in the 
morning. It will march in three columns — the imperial troops will be on the 
right and left ; I will occupy the centre. The posts of the enemy must be 
attacked with all our force, without amusing ourselves in driving him from 
the bushes and woods on the right. At the break of day we will arrive at the 
Putna, which must be passed to continue the attack. It is said that there are 
only fifty thousand Turks and that fifty thousand more are some marches in 
the rear. It would be better if they were all together ; we might beat them 
then in one day and have no more trouble with them. But as it is not so, we 
will begin with these and by the grace of God and the bravery of our troops, 
we will obtain the victory." 

It deserves to be remarked, that the prince of Cobourg as the oldest 
general, was entitled to the command ; but he was in such a critical situation 
that he was r.ot scrupulous in enforcing aU his rights. 



SOUVAROF. U l 

left behind, for making an attempt upoa this point. He 
strengthened his posts, established new ones to ensure his 
communication with the surrounding country, and waited 
for a favourable moment of moving to the aid of those who 
might require his assistance. 

In the mean time the Turks had not finally relinquished 
their plans against the Austrians. The grand Vizier himself 
had taken an active part in the campaign. An immense army 
had assembled under his orders, as if by enchantment ; for 
among the Turks where the troops of each Pacha repair in 
separate bodies to the place of general rendezvous, and where 
the Janissaries have permission to join the army individually, 
whenever it suits them, the number of sojdiers is all at once 
astonishingly augmented when the spirit of the nation is roused, 
and diminished with equal rapidity when discouragement and 
despondency prevail. 

The allies learned by information which they obtained from 
spies that the whole Ottoman army was in motion. They 
understood further, that Hassan Pacha was to leave Ismael 
to attack prince Repnin stationed at some short distance from 
it, then to turn the left of Cobourg, whilst the grand army 
under the command of the grand Vizier were to pass the 
Danube and march by Brahilof directly against the Austrians. 
Upon the receipt of this intelligence the allied armies changed 
their position. The prince of Cobourg moved against Hassan 
Pacha with tbe intention of preventing a junction between 
him and the grand Vizier. Souvarof quitted Berlat and 
advanced to Puzzeni to be in the immediate vicinity of the 
Austrians. 

On the 16th of September Souvarof received a letter from 
the prince of Cobourg, urging him to unite his force with the 
Austrians, as the grand Vizier was coming upon him with an 
hundred thousand men. and adding, that he. was already obliged 



112 THE LIFE OF 

to call in his advanced guard. As if he had a presentiment of the 
approaching triumph, Souvarof only replied, "I am coming." 
In an hour afterwards his army was on the march. His 
expedition was as great as usual, and at the end of two days 
he joined Cobourg who was much gratified at seeing him. 
The rapidity of the marches of Souvarof always led his 
antagonists into error. Perhaps if the Turks had known 
that lie had united his forces to the Austrians, they would have 
renounced their project of attacking them. So far from giving 
it up, however, they reached the river Rymnik four miles from 
the place where Cobourg was encamped, with more alacrity 
than could have been expected. 

After having reconnoitred the position of the enemy, Sou- 
varof decided that he ought to be attacked, and he induced 
Cobourg to adopt the same opinion, for the latter was full of 
confidence when he had the intrepid Russian by his side. It 
is remarkable that the Russian general acted with the Aus- 
trian soldiers just as if they were his own, and inspired them 
with an energy which is no where to be seen in their ordinary 
transactions. The same phenomenon occurred afterwards in 
Italy. We must conclude from this, that the Austrian soldier 
is not deficient in warmth and resolution of soul, but that the 
fault lies in the officers, who in the lower grades have no 
patriotism or zeal for the glory of their sovereign, and in the 
higher grades are too much restrained and kept in check by 
the jealous temper of the cabinet. 

The first care of the Turks before the commencement of 
offensive operations, had been to fortify their camp, in which 
they intended to deposit all their baggage, stores and heavy 
artillery, in order that their march might be as little encum- 
bered as possible. This was one of the reasons which induced 
Souvarof to decide upon attacking them, in which case, he 
would also have the advantage of surprising them before the 
completion of their works, while every thing was in a state of 



SOUVAROF. 113 

disorder. On the 21st of September, towards the dose of the 
day, the allied army was put in motion and advanced towards 
the Rvsnna, on the other side of which, between that river and 
the Kvmiiik the Turks were encamped, having in front the 
village of Boscha which they had furnished with artillery, 
and on their right an extensive wood, rather thick, where they 
had begun to erect fortifications and where their heavy artil- 
lery was posted. The Austrians and Russians crossed the 
river without pontoons as it was not deep. They then 
advanced in the most profound silence, — the order of battle 
differed a little from that of Forhani, for the Russians, when 
they arrived, had naturally taken their station on the left. The 
Austrians formed the centre and right wing — the infantry of 
each was formed in small square battalions, as this size ena- 
bled them to move with greater facility, and allowed room for 
the cavalry to pass between the intervals. Experience had 
pointed out this disposition of the troops as the best to resist 
the impetuosity of the Turkish cavalry. The invention of it 
is attributed to marshal Munich, who at the same time 
surrounded the squares with a sort of chevaux-de-frise ; but 
since the Russians, in imitation of the rest of the European 
troops, had raised the regularity of their fire and the fabri- 
cation of their arms to a higher state of perfection, the 
chevaux-de-frisc were rejected as superfluous from the 
embarrassment they produced. 

Owing to their negligence in not sending out patroles,the 
Turks were a long time without the least suspicion of the 
approach of the allied army. A Russian lieutenant sent out 
on a reconnoitering party, at last fell in with an advanced 
guard of the Turks who made him prisoner : they carried him 
to the grand Vizier, who refused to believe his assertion, that 
Souvarof was with the Austrians. " It must be another 
general of that name," said he, " Souvarof died of his wounds 
at Kinbourn." He was soon however, convinced of the con- 
trary ; the Russians soon after attacked his advanced guard, 

P 



i!4 THE LIFE OF 

and in despite of the artillery, rapidly chased the Turks from 
many of the hills, over which their immense army extended. 
Disorder began to prevail, and after a short resistance the 
scattered troops sought refuge in the middle of their camp. 
The Turks soon discovered how small a number of men they 
had to oppose and resolved to surround and overwhelm the 
Russians. Fifteen thousand chosen cavalry were detached 
for this purpose from the centre, where the grand Vizier had 
stationed himself. Happily however, the army of Cobourg 
had at this time joined Souvarof. The Austrian artillery made 
such dreadful havoc among the Turkish cavalry that they 
retired with precipitation. 

The allied army now approached the corps commanded by 
the grand Vizier in person. Supposing that his movements 
were covered by the village of Bosch a and that his right 
flank was secure, he brought all his disposable force against 
the Austrians and charged them impetuously, but they 
sustained the shock with heroic firmness ; they lost not an 
inch of ground ; and the good reception of the infantry having 
prevented the Turkish cavalry from breaking their battalions, 
this cavalry suffered excessively from the fire of Austrian 
artillery and musquetry, as every shot had its effect. 

In the mean time Souvarof, by a bold and rapid movement 
had turned the village of Boscha. He had separated the 
Turks who occupied it from the main body, and rendered 
useless the formidable train of artillery which had been 
collected in this place. On his entrance into the plain, the 
Turks already intimidated by the Austrians, fled before him 
and precipitated themselves into the wood on which the right 
of their camp rested. Souvarof saw that it was necessary 
to force this last asylum and that then the victory would be 
complete. After having requested' the prince of Cobourg to 
incline gradually towards him to second this attack, he 
marched directly to the wood where the Turks thought 
themselves see.Jire. 



SOUVAROF. J l ;, 

The infantry formed in many columns and animated by the 
presence and voice of their general, advanced with rapid 
steps to the entrenched front of the wood to earry it by 
assault. u My friends,*' exclaimed the intrepid Souvarof to 
his soldiers, " look not at the eyes of your enemy, look al 
his breast ; it is there that your bayonet must rest." As his 
intention was not to lead his troops to be massacred, he had 
ordered the cavalry to assist the attack, to pass through the 
intervals between the columns of infantry, and whilst the 
Turks were engaged in repulsing the infantry, to penetrate 
into the wood through the accessible parts of the entrench- 
ments and scatter terror and death among the enemy. It 
was practicable to execute this order, because in many places 
there were only sketches and outlines of entrenchments, and 
behind the wood the view was open. The Austrians had, 
meanwhile, become united to them by having marched 
obliquely to the left. The simultaneous attack of the two 
armies was made with vigour. The Turks in confusion in 
the wood, being unsupported by any troops who could harass 
the flank or rear of their enemy were defeated in about an 
hour. The carnage that ensued was horrible, for it was 
not attempted to be stopped, as it was necessary to diminish 
this swarm of enemies, who would otherwise soon return to 
the combat. The pursuit of the Russians was checked at last 
only by the multitude of the dead and dying, the artillery, 
ammunition and baggage waggons which filled the road. 
The grand Vizier attempted in vain to rally his soldiers ; 
they were deaf to his voice, and his exhortations would perhaps 
hare been fatal to men, governed only by fear, if he had not 
fled himself and precipitately crossed the Rymnik, aban- 
doning his camp to the conqueror — the booty was immense. 
The Turks lost ten or twelve thousand men killed or drowned 
in the Rymnik, besides their camp, their baggage and their 
cannon. The number of wounded was prodigious. The rest 
of the army was driven far away. In this action the Turkish 



116 THE LIFE OF 

army consisted of a hundred and ten thousand, while the 
Russians and Austrians together, amounted to no more than 
thirty thousand. 

As the corps of Souvarof and Cobourg were not intended 
to perform operations depending upon themselves alone, but 
were on the contrary, subordinate to the views of their 
respective principal armies, the consequences of their bril- 
liant victory were confined, as to them, to the important 
advantage which they obtained on the field of battle. They 
separated at the end of a few days ; Souvarof resumed his 
position at Berlat and Cobourg his at Forhani. The neces- 
sity of subduing the fortified places held by the Turks on this 
side of the Danube, thus progressing with certainty to the 
conquest of the Ottoman empire, was the circumstance which 
occasioned sieges to be the principal operations of this 
campaign.^ But the victory obtained by the two generals 
was followed, as to this point, by the most important conse- 
quences. On the reception of the intelligence, communi- 

* Perhaps it will be said, that "they might have left these towns in the rear 
and marched their armies rapidly into the heart of the country, in which case, 
as these places would be in some measure isolated, they would be obliged to 
surrender. But this plan of operations is not practicable in Turkey. In this 
uncultivated country, where subsistence is difficult to be procured, and where 
the roads are so detestable that carriages move slowly and with difficulty, 
fortified towns are necessary for magazines and places of deposit in which all 
that is indispensable to the existence of an army may be safely stored. Besides 
the Turks had provided numerous stores and immense garrisons for their 
fortified places, so that it was as dangerous for the Russians to leave them in 
the rear, as it was to venture with slender means of subsistence to send strong 
armies into the interior. As degenerate as the Turks are, their country is 
not as easily conquered as is generally supposed. It is on the contrary, admir- 
ably defended by the nature of the soil and character of the people. The 
plan of intrigue and corruption which the Russians have resorted to for many 
years past, will conduct them to the end in view with more certainty than 
force of asms. But to the eyes of posterity it will not appear so honourable, 
nor will it meet with equal approbation. 



SOUVAROF. 1 1 : 

eating the account of the disaster of their army, the Turkish 
garrisons of Bender and Belgrade capitulated ; the first to 
prince Potemkin, the second to the Austrian iield-inarshal 
Laudon. 

The glorious exploit of Souvarof was duly appreciated. 
The empress gave him the surname of Rymnikski, as the 
battle was fought near the Rymnik. She presented him with 
a splendid sword and with a branch of artificial laurel 
composed of diamonds, having upon it these words, ** to the 
conqueror of the grand Vizier." She conferred upon him 
the title of count of the Russian empire ; and prince Potemkin, 
in the capacity of minister of war, sent him on the part of his 
sovereign, the grand military order of St. George.* The 
emperor Joseph advanced him to the dignity of count of 
the empire of Germany. The presents of the two sovereigns 
were accompanied by the most flattering letters. The cm- 
press distributed rewards in profusion through all the corps of 
Souvarof. 

The troops were soon afterwards placed in winter-quarters. 
The count Souvarof did not quit his army, but spent the 
season atBerlat. In the month of April, 1790, the prince of 
Cobourg who had cantoned his troops in Wallachia assembled 
them, upon hearing that the efforts of the Turks would be 
directed principally against Bucharest, where he had 
established his head-quarters. The destination of the 
count was, as in the preceding year, to assist the Austrian*, 
watch the motions of the Turks and prevent them from send- 

* This order is not conferred according to the time of service, but only for 
great actions. Long-tried bravery will entitle a soldier to the small cross ; but 
the grand cross is conferred only for the capture of an important place, or the 
gaining of a battle. Catharine was by no means prodigal of this favour, as 
the battle of Forhani and the other exploits of Souvarof had not entitled him 
to it. Potemkin, favourite as he was, did not obtain it until the capture oi 
Oczakof 



US THE LIFE OF 

ing succours to the besieged places. He had already taken 
measures to effect this object and directed the movements of 
his troops on their coming out of winter-quarters, when the 
policy of Austria underwent a radical change, by the death 
of Joseph II. and accession of his brother Leopold II. formerly 
grand duke of Tuscany. This wise prince would have been 
pacific from calculation and necessity, even if he had not 
been so by nature, had he examined the situation in which his 
brother had left the inheritance of their House. Brabant was 
in open insurrection ; Bohemia was murmuring loudly ; 
Austria was dissatisfied ; the army had been diminished one 
half in the war with the Turks, and the finances were 
exhausted. The revolution already begun in France had 
deprived Joseph of the assistance of this kingdom, and the 
intimacy of his connexion with the old government made him 
for this very reason an enemy of the new. Prussia saw with 
discontent the progress of the two imperial courts in the 
Turkish war, and had it in her power to become a dangerous 
enemy to Austria, as her army and treasury were in a good 
condition. England was as little satisfied as Prussia and had 
a thousand ways of inflicting the most serious wounds upon 
the Austrian commerce. In this state of things Leopold could 
not do otherwise than wish for peace ; he did not hesitate 
therefore to suspend the hostile movements of his troops, and 
he opened negotiations which were soon followed by a 
definitive peace. 

The absence of the Austrians, the immense losses that the 
Turks had experienced, which prevented them from showing 
themselves in the field, and the losses of the Russians, which 
were so heavy as not to permit them to profit by the despon- 
dency and weakness of their adversary, all contributed to 
render the campaign of 1790 imbecile and languishing. For 
seven months Potemkin had been besieging Isrnahil,* and this 

* Ismahil is situated on one of the mouths of the Danube. Its position 



SOUVAROF. 119 

strong place remained as firm as it was the first day. The 
garrison was numerous and amply provided with stores. 
The Turks justly regarded this place as the last bulwark of 
their empire on that side; and patriotism, religion, honour and 
interest all united in forbidding them to surrender this impor- 
tant post and in inducing them to conform to the instructions 
of the sultan who had formally commanded them never to give 
up Ismahil. The autumn had now passed away and all the 
attempts of the Russians to obtain possession had been 
thwarted by the Turkish garrison. The Russian troops were 
about to retire into winter-quarters when Souvarof suddenly 
received orders from Potemkin to move to Ismahil with his 
corps of the army, and uniting it to the besiegers to reduce 
the fortress at every hazard.* 

The count who was at Galaz, prepared instantly to obey. 
He set out with his detachment, passed the Pruth, and whilst 
lie was advancing towards Ismahil, sent orders to the different 

and importance both in war and commerce, concurred in adding interest to 
its capture in a double point of view ; both as to its own consequence, and 
the opening which it would command into the interior of the Turkish empire, 
of which it is one of the keys. Its garrison, strengthened by those of 
Bender and Akermann and the remnant of the troops defeated at Rymnik 
was a perfect army. 

* It is said that a woman in amity with Potemkin (who was at Bender, 
living like an oriental satrap) predicted to him, after an examination of the 
map, thathe would be master of Ismahil in three months ; and that Potemkin 
a little piqued, replied that he had a more certain way of succeeding, and that 
he immediately issued an order to Souvarof to take the place in three days. 
This story of the map may be true without its fraying decided the sudden 
resolution of Potemkin. The fact was, that it was highly necesssary for the 
glory of the Russian armies to terminate the campaign with a brilliant 
achievement, and as the Austr'ans were no longer parties to the war again.-! 
the Turks, the reduction of Ismahil was a matter of imperious necessity. Ii 
they had waited until the ensuing campaign, the Turks, who would have been 
able to turn the whole of their attention to this fortress natnrally strong, wonW 
have rendered it impregnable. 



120 THE LIFE OF 

corps stationed in the vicinity of that place to approach and 
join him. The same injunction was given to general Ribas, 
who commanded the Russian flotilla at the mouth of the 
Danube. The latter took possession of an island in front of 
Ismahil from which he prodigiously annoyed the town by 
the fire of his fleet and powerfully seconded the operations 
of the army on land. To conform to the orders of Potemkin 
and the views of the empress, and accommodating his plans to 
the lateness of the season, which would not allow him to con- 
duct a siege by rule, Souvarof made every arrangement for an 
assault, as soon as he had collected his forces, which amounted 
to thirty -five or forty thousand men. He began by encou- 
raging his soldiers and familiarizing them to the idea of 
mounting those untouched walls, which presented apparently 
no vulnerable point, and which were defended by a garrison as 
numerous as the besieging army. Souvarof exalted the 
temper of his troops by appealing to their feelings of honour, 
by seasoning his discourse with sallies of sprightliness which 
inspired them with gaiety and confidence, and by calling up 
to their recollection the rewards that attended the brave and 
the chast : sement and disgrace with which cowards would be 
overtaken. This moral feeling of the soldiers could alone 
decide the issue of a contest where military science w T as 
useless. At the voice of their general, the Russians suffered 
present hardships with patience and looked forward with 
fearlessness to those that were to come. The endurance of 
hunger and cold was among their calamities. " My friends," 
said Souvarof to them, "provisions are dear, we are falling 
short ; the merry fellows shut up there f pointing to Ismahil) 
are rolling in plenty : let us go and take it from them." The 
soldiers answered with loud huzzas. 

Whilst the fascines and ladders were preparing and the 
troops in a state of training, Souvarof, to deceive the enemy 
and conceal his real project, erected batteries before the place 
and seemed to evince an intention of commencing regular 



SOUVAROIT. w 

works. When every thing was ready, on the 9th of Decern* 
bcrhc summoned the pacha who commanded inlsmahil to 

surrender the place : the pacha in reply, advised the Russians 
to retire and not expose themselves to the inclemency of thi 
season. On the following day the count scut another summons 
to which the pacha replied " that the Danube should stop its 
course and the heavens bend to the earth, sooner than 
Ismahil would surrender to the Russians." The count imme- 
diately sent word to the pacha that if the white ihvj; was not 
hung out that very day, he pledged his honour that the place 
would he taken by assault, and the garrison put to the sword. 
To this menace, the pacha preserved a disdainful silence. 
Souvarofthen assembled his generals with a great number of 
officers, and declared his purpose, adding that the execution 
of it could be no longer delayed : he expatiated on tlieir past 
exploits, the glory with which they would cover themselves in 
the present war, and the just contempt in which they might 
hold their enemies. He enjoined them to repeat his words to 
the soldiers, and to inform them that the approaching night 
was fixed on lor the attack. 

Accordingly on the 11th, at 3 o'clock in the morning, a 
musket was fired from the tent of the general $ it was the 
signal to prepare for the assault. 

At 4 a second musket was fired ; it was the signal to 
form, 

A third was fired at 5 o'clock ; it was the signal to march. 

In an instant the whole army was in motion in six columns. 
The fleet commanded by rear admiral Kibas and formed in 
three lines, approached the town at the same time. Three of 
the columns who were to attack by land were under the orders 
of lieutenant-general Potemkin, a cousin of the favourite, 
The three others were commanded by lieutenant-general 
Q 



12Z THE LIFE OF 

Sanroilof. Souvarof was in the centre to observe and direct 
the movements of all. As the number of infantry was not 
sufficient, Souvarof dismounted twelve thousand Cossacks, 
who were employed in this expedition. Eight thousand (five 
thousand of whom were newly raised levies} were dispersed 
among* the fourth and fifth columns \ the other four thousand 
were on board the fleet. Many strangers of distinction were 
with the fleet ; among them were the prince de Ligne, the 
count de Laugeron and the duke de Fronsae, afterwards duke 
de Richlieu. The two latter, who were French colonels, 
sustained in this assault the glory and reputation of their 
ancestors and nation. 

The different columns approached the town in the best 
order, for the Turks permitted them to advance. But when 
they arrived at the distance of a hundred and twenty yards 
from the place, they were saluted with a general discharge of 
grape-shot. This made dreadful slaughter among them, but 
did not stop their march. In spite of the fire of the Turks 
they arrived at the banks of the ditch, which was filled with 
water, threw in their fascines, crossed it and readied the foot 
of the rampart : the cannon of the fortress was now useless. 
The Russians planted their ladders against the rampart, 
mutually assisted each other, and aiding themselves by the 
means of their bayonets which they stuck into the interstices 
between the stones of the wall, they mounted with a fierceness 
and intrepidity which intimidated the Turks and made them 
strike at random.* The second column, commanded by 

* Ismahil had only a plain circumference of wall as a fortification, without 
any projecting angles from which the outside of the wall could be raked. Had it 
been constructed in this form we can easily imagine that it could not have been 
taken by assault or in any other way than by making regular approaches and 
erecting heavy batteries. Fortified places in the modern art of war cannot be 
reduced without the assistance of science, and are therefore, whatever may be 
said against them, the true defence of a country. They will always stop the 
progress of an iuvadingarmy, when they are commanded by men of spirit. 



SOUVAROF. 1*3 

major-general Lascy, was upon the rampart at half after 5 

o'clock; and at 6, the first and third liad also succeeded in 
mounting it. The sixth, commanded by major-genera] 
Kutusof and composed like the three former of veteran troops, 

would have attained their object in the same space of time, 
but it was obliged to assist the fourth and fifth, which were 
formed of raw Cossacks badly arned and equipped. 
Besides they were most of them young men by no mean/ 
robust, who having never been in an engagement, were cut 
to pieces in the ditch by the sabres of the Turks. Having 
obtained an advantage, the Turks had sallied out and killed 
a great number of them, already thrown into confusion. A 
part of the sixth column ran to their relief and after a terrible 
combat beat back the Turks and enabled their discomfited 
friends to renew the assault. The second attack, of the 
Cossacks was more successful than the first. At 8 o'clock, 
all the columns wercfirmly fixed upon the rampart. Those on 
the side of the water had likewise forced the harriers and 
gained a footing in the place. 

A novel kind of warfare now commenced, peculiar to the 
wars between the Russians and Turks, where national hatred 
is strongly shewn by both parties. The Russians experienced 
within the walls of Ismahil a more obstinate resistance than 
they had yet felt. They were obliged to gain ground inch by 
inch. The Turks defended themselves desperately in the 
streets and in the houses. Even the women armed with 
poignards mingled in the ranks, and many a robust soldier 
received his death from their delicate hands. The fury of 
the Turks was so great, that the Russians were detained till 
noon. They arrived at last over heaps of bodies and through 
streams of blood to the centre of the town, and thought their 
enemies entirely subdued; but in the principal square they 
found a body of the Tartars of the Crimea, commanded by a 
brother of the last Khan, who could not bo vanquished until 
every man of them was killed. At two o'clock the Russian • 



12* THE LIFE OF 

were completely masters of the place. The governing pacha 
was dead ; nearly all the generals and three-fourths of the 
garrison had experienced a similar fate. Souvarof ordered 
the cavalry to enter and scour the streets, that all resistance 
which despair might yet create should he utterly crushed. At 
4 o'clock the carnage had ceased, after prodigies of valour on 
hoth sides. But according to promise the town was given up 
to pillage for three days, and as this could not take place with- 
out occasionally renewing the scenes of slaughter, a multitude 
of the inhabitants became victims to the cupidity of the 
soldiery. 

The first care of the count after having taken the neces- 
sary precautions for the security of the place, was to return 
solemn thanks to the Almighty for his brilliant victory. Im- 
mediately after the assault he despatched a courier to the 
empress with this message, " The haughty Ismahil is at your 
feet." To Potemkin he wrote, " The Russian flag is waving 
on the ramparts of Ismalii!." These accounts written in the 
manner of Turenne, prove how much the fierce and haughty 
mind of Souvarof disdained to expatiate upon his own bravery, 
and how firmly he relied upon his real merit. He reviewed 
his army in form* related every act of courage, returned 
thanks to his brave troops, and promised them a more solid 
reward than thanks when their sovereign should be acquainted 
With their determined conduct. 

It appears from the official details which th c count trans- 
mitted to his court a few days after the assault, that the loss 
of the Turks amounted to thirty-three thousand men, killed 
or mortally wounded. Besides this, the Russians took ten 
thousand prisoners, among whom were a number of eminent 
personages. The Russians had two thousand killed and two 
thousand five hundred wounded. 

Six thousand women and children and two thousand cbris- 



SOUVAROF. \: 

iians of Moldavia and Armenia were carried away from 
Isinahil to augment the population of the Russian empire. 
They found in the place two hundred and thirty-two pieces of 
cannon, and an immense quantity of provisions and military 
stores. They obtained possession, moreover, of ten thousand 
horses, almost all of high blood. In a word, the wealth of 
Isinahil was estimated at more than sixteen millions of rou- 
bles. Faithful to his principles, Souvarof gave a strict 
account of every thing that escaped the rapacity of the plun- 
derers and reserved nothing for himself.* 

V hen this inventory was finished, he made the necessary 
dispositions for the departure of the troops and removal of 
the prisoners. Previously, however, to their removal, he 
employed them in clearing the streets of the town and throw- 

* As Souvarof began to be celebrated throughout Europe just as the 
revolution broke out in France, and as the noble and loyal warrior declared 
himself firmly opposed to the principles of the revolutionists, it is amusing 
to contemplate the rage of their writers against him. If we credit their 
account, he was a barbarian, a cannibal with the manners of a Calmuck, 
who obtained his victories merely by a profusion of blood. They say that 
he was guilty of so many cruelties at Ismahil that he received the appel- 
lation of Muiey Ismahil, in allusion to Aluley the emperor of Morocco, the 
most cruel of men. But we should like to hear their reply, if they were 
asked to relate some instances of his cruelty. What ! is a general cruel 
because, to excite his troops to perform an action requiring almost super- 
natural courage, he promises them the plunder of a town, and keeps his 
word ? Is he cruel because he cannot, in an instant, arrest the fury of his 
soldiers against an enemy who had just exposed them to a thousand dan- 
gers ? To whom can such idle tales be told ? Not to military men ; not to 
men acquainted with the history of all ages ; not to philosophers. All 
tlie^e will tell you that war is a scourge, and that if there is any way to 
alleviale its horrors, it is by carrying it on with energy. This cruel savage, 
this Tartar had really a thousand good traits of character. He treated his 
prisoners with humanity ; he was adored by his soldiers ; he was religious, 
frank, honest, magnanimous and above all, disinterested. But lie 
had one inexpiable fault ; he despised the new constitutions and new men 
of Poland and of France. 



126 THE LIFE OF 

ing the dead bodies into the Danube. General Kutusof was 
appointed by the count to the situation of go vernor of Ismahil, 
and three regiments of infantry with four of Cossacks were 
left to defend it. He then returned to Galaz to place his army 
in winter-quarters, after which lie repaired to Petersburg, to 
enjoy his triumphs, where he arrived in the month of Janu- 
ary, 1791. 

It is easy to imagine the reception which he met with from 
the empress. Some days after his arrival, he was appointed 
lieutenant-colonel of the regiment of guards of Preabojenski, 
of which the sovereign is colonel by an article in the consti- 
tution of the empire. She caused medals of silver and gold 
to be struck, in memory of the important victory obtained by 
her arms, under the guidance of Souvarof. 

This success was the last that Souvarof was to obtain from 
the Turks. Although the war had been continued without 
interruption during the year 1790, negotiations had not been 
intermitted for a moment. In 1791 they were renewed. 
The loss of Ismahil made the Turks more tractable and 
might have had some influence in extending the pretensions of 
the Russians. But the most brilliant success is often an 
obstacle to the attainment of further advantages, from the 
high price at which it is purchased. The Russians desired 
peace no less than the Turks. We have seen the point of view 
in which the other powers of Europe beheld this contest. It 
was time that it should cease. The new position in which 
Europe was placed, and the losses of men and money expe- 
rienced by Russia, loudly demanded that an end should be 
put to the war. In vain Potemkin, who had been the most 
ardent promoter of the war, resisted the plans of peace ; in 
vain the Russians in the early part of 1791 obtained consider- 
able advantages over the Turks, under Kutusof and Repnin, 
in Bulgaria and Godovitch in the Kuban. In spite of these 
apparent obstacles to peace, the necessity of things was victo- 



SOUYAROF. 127 

rious. Tlie most reluctant were obliged to yield to public 
opinion, now no longer dazzled by successful battles, Catha- 
rine partook of the feelings of her subjects. She was exces- 
sively irritated against Poland, und meditating the demolition 
of that kingdom, she wished to have the whole strength of 
the empire at her disposal to effect this conquest. Just at this 
time Potemkin died, and the last obstacle to peace was 
removed. The preliminaries having been signed by prince 
Repnin and the grand vizier Yuzuf, peace was deiinitivejy 
concluded at J assy in December, 1791* 

By this treaty the Kuban, the Crimea, Oczakof and the 
territory to the Dniester were yielded for ever to Russia ; so 
that she added to her dominions all that formerly composed 
little Tartary. This was doubtless an immense acquisition, 
but it was nothing when compared with the hopes and preten- 
sions which Russia had declared at the commencement of the 
war. The Dniester was very far from Constantinople. It 
would even have required as great exertions to extend the 
sway of Russia to the Danube, as it had done to extend it to 
the Dniester. And after being established upon the Danube 
they would be masters of but a small portion of their course ; 
for they would sec an immense country before them to 
traverse, before they could arrive at the capital of the Turk- 
ish empire. They would have been obliged to leave on their 
right a large extent of territory which did not acknowledge 
their supremacy, and they would see before them from Con- 
stantinople to the Morea an extended and broken country, 
difficult of access, where their adversaries could have opposed 
a formidable resistance, as the Russian line of operations 
would have been inconveniently long. When to these military 
impediments we add the moral obstacles which a difference of 
national character and a hatred always generated in the 
minds of a conquered people, would have created; when we 
consider the diligence with which the other powers of Europe 
would have thwarted the views of Russia upon Constant!- 



128 THE LIFE OF 

nople, we may be permitted to doubt whether Russia could 
have maintained her ascendancy in this celebrated city. 
Constantinople was built by a man of uncommon genius, in 
the most beautiful and advantageous situation in the world, 
to be the capital of a great empire. It has always been such, 
it is such at present, and according to all calculation, it will 
always remain so. We might perhaps aflirm for a number of 
reasons, that the day is not far distant when it will assume a 
prouder station in the estimation of the world than any that 
it has heretofore occupied. Constantinople never will be the 
modest capital of an humble province. If the Russians had 
become masters of it, Russia would have been converted into a 
colony. The possessors of Constantinople would have 
removed the scat of their empire to the banks of the Bosphorus 
and left the north wind undisturbed ruler of the shores of the 
Neva. 

In all wars undertaken since the invention of gun-powder, 
the powers of Europe, deceived by their ambition, have never 
been able to reduce their expectations to a degree of moder- 
ation which the modern manner of making war requires. 
They entertained the most gigantic projects. They thought of 
nothing less than treating nations in the manner of Alexander 
or Gengis-Khan ; and after advancing some leagues into the 
country, concluded a peace, almost as much enfeebled as their 
adversary. The reason of this is discovered by examining 
the military system of the present day ; the wants of a 
modern army and the numerous equipage that follows in its 
train, on account of the artillery and stores, require that its 
movements should be made with a view to supplies of subsist- 
ence, forage, cannon, powder and bullets. Hence it must 
always be near its magazines and fortified places. If the 
extreme folly of some kings and generals, in the defence which 
they have opposed to an enemy, have given some occasion to 
doubt the truth of this observation, it must be considered as 
an exception which docs not affect the validity of the rule, 



SOUVAROF. 139 

But there is another principle of a higher order and no less 
indubitable : it is, Unit nature herself has circumscribed 
nations within certain limits and that it is one of her laws that 
the human race should he composed of many families entirely 
independent of each other. Ambition has attempted to over* 
come this principle ; but by a natural elasticity, it renews and 
extends its operation. This idea is Carefully cherished by 
different nations and its influence is stronger in proportion as 
a people become enlightened, because they then understand 
their interests and arc more capable of reasoning justly upon 
the ambitious projects of their government. It was this 
eternal principle that gave birth to the plan of preserving the 
balance of power in Europe ; and by the kindness of Provi- 
dence, this system has in its turn received a new force from 
the invention of gun-powder and the difficulty which the use 
oik fire-arms opposes to rapidity of conquest.* It is to be 
hoped that these truths will be one day understood ; that men 
will not attempt to deny them by words or actions; that they 
will preserve the tranquility of nations, and with their tranqui- 
lity their happiness. 

If there ever was a striking illustration of the truth of 
these remarks, it was in the last war between Russia and 
Turkey. All the chances of war were against the latter. 
Russia had a decided military superiority, not only in the 
tactics and discipline of her troops, but in her position, which 
since the invasion of the Crimea had beeome extremely 
dangerous to Turkey. She had also the recollection of 
former victories and her army was as full of confidence as 
that. of her rival was of despondency. The alliance and 
co-operation of Austria, the neutrality of France, the lake* 

* We have demonstrated the truth of these observations, from the evidence 
of history and experience of all a;;es, and applied them to the examination of 
the future state of Europe in a work entitled " The art oj war among the most 
celebrated nations of antiquity or modem times," or " Inquiries Into the true 
theory of tear," printed at Palis, by Cordier and Lepras, in 18U5. 

R 



130 THE LIFE OF 

warmness of Prussia and England, who by the contrivances 
of the empress, were content with offering their mediation, 
without backing their offer by menaces, all conspired against 
Turkey. Relying upon herself alone, having a bad army and 
worse generals, reigning over subjects, some of whom were in 
open rebellion in the heart of the empire, others secretly 
corrupted, and an immense number of the rest entirely indif- 
ferent, Turkey seemed to be an edifice of loose stones, which 
the least push Would overthrow. How did it happen then that 
Russia did not tumble it to the ground ? We answer, because 
she herself prevented it. Turkey was preserved by the weak- 
ness of Russia and not by her own strength. The armies of 
Russia could not advance, because they did not know how to 
supply their wants, nor how to secure their operations from 
dangers resulting from a defect in the operations themselves. 
At last the interposition of the other European powers, which 
might have been expected sooner or later, actually occurreu. 
It was necessary that she should abandon her prey, and Tur- 
key was saved without being able in any manner to attribute 
her preservation to herself. The Turks from the natural state 
of their empire, might have adopted an admirable plan of 
defence against the Russians ; that is, by shutting up the 
infantry in fortified places, and keeping the field with the 
cavalry alone. If the cavalry had then conducted with saga- 
city the war of light troops (which they have never done) 
they would have so fatigued and injured the enemy, inflicted 
so many evils upon him by creating a privation of every 
necessary article, that it would have been impossible for him 
to have made further progress. The Russians would have 
been obliged to act in small bodies, whose number would be in 
proportion to the means of subsistence. These small armies 
would then be formidable on this ground, that their number 
was adapted to the situation and resources of the country $* 

* This is a copious subject, and one which we dare to pronounce new ,- 
IP il has been touched upon, it has by no means been thoroughly analyzed. 



SOUVAROF. 1 3 1 

but en the other hand their weakness would expose them to 
the danger of being crushed by the multitude of their en emit s 
The perfection to which the art of war has arrived at the 

present day thus furnishes an obstacle to the overthrow of 
empires, and to revolutions by force of arms ; a species ol 
revolution the most protracted and disastrous that a nation 
oan possibly experience. 

But the hazardous projects and speculations of a govern- 
ment do not detract intiie least from the merit of a soldier, 
who, without embarrassing his mind with reflecting whether 
the designs of his cabinet arc just or not, ought to employ 
himself in their execution as far as it respects himself with 
zeal, intelligence, courage and patriotism. Did these virtues 
ever shine more conspicuously than in the conduct of Souvarof, 
during the war, of which we have just given an account ? 
How noble was his devotion to the interests of the allies of his 
sovereign, with what bravery did he succour them in embar- 
rassing circumstances, with how much skill did he extricate 
1 hem from critical situations, without making them solicit his 
assistance or without exaggerating his value, without any 
delay, objection or jealousy, and by his modest and unaffected 
conduct after a victory, leaving the honour of it to others ? In a 
military point of view, what vigour in his movements, what 
fire, what courage, what justness of reasoning, what method 
in attack, what influence over his soldiers, who counted not 
their enemies nor thought victory doubtful when he was with 
them? These rare qualities, the prudence of Souvarof, which 
equalled his boldness, his wisdom in providing the means of 

Its importance requires that it should be made the subject of a separate 
work. This book will throw a new light on the theory of war. We ran 
there see the cause of many surprising- disasters and the reasons of many 
successes which appear to be equally unaccountable. We shall discover 
new motives to military expeditions and a likelihood of success m many 
of them which appear to be entirely destitute of it. We shall learn too, 
dial great armies are not always the i ause i f great success. 



loZ THE LIFE OF 

success, his brilliant victories won by his foresight, activity 
and genius, so many skirmishes and two grand battles gained, 
au assault like that of Ismahil, all concur in proving, beyond 
the possibility of a doubt, that Souvarof was a most consum- 
mate general. We place him, from this time on the list of 
great commanders, and our opinion will be confirmed by every 
profound observer. 



&OUVAROF. 133 



CHAPTER V. 

Last war in Poland — Souvarof, commander in chief of the 
Russian armies in thai country, totally defeats the Polish confe- 
derates — Rapidity of his conquest — Poland is subdued and 
definitively partitioned — Reflections upon the tear and its 
consequences — Souvarof is created field-marshal, 

AFTER he returned to Pctcrsburgh, Souvarof re-visited 
Turkey no more. During the campaign of 1791 lie was 
employed in Finland, where he had the general command of 
the land troops and flotilla stationed on its borders. The 
object of his mission was to inspect the frontiers of Finland 
on the side of Sweden, and to suggest a plan of fortification 
which should effectually secure this country against a sudden 
invasion by the Swedes, similar to that which had taken place 
at the commencement of the war which had just terminated.* 
Souvarof completed his plan and returned to Petersburg to 
lay it before the empress. As she approved of it, he soon 
returned to superintend its execution. Finland was placed by 
him in such a respectable posture of defence, that Russia was 
for the future in no danger of receiving insults from that 
quarter. 

* In 1788 Gustavus III. suddenly declared war against the empress Catha- 
rine II. and appeared ah, ,o>t at the same time with an army and fleet before Fre- 
dericksham, a fortress of Russian Finland. It was the only one which 
protected Petersburg on the side of Sweden. This fortress was at that time 
in a deplorable state, and unprovided with artillery. If the Swedish officers 
had not been discontented with their king or gained over by Russia, if they 
had donctheir duty, Gustavus would have carried Ficderieksham by a coup- 
de-main and arrived at Petersburg without any further impediment. At least 
this would have been the result of the state of things, as all the Russian tioops 
were then employed against the Turks. The Swedes have usually more to 
for from, the | for their part pf Finland, than the Russians have cause 



ISi THE LIFE OF 

Although peace had not given to the Russians all that they 
flattered themselves they would obtain by the war, it still 
placed them in a formidable and menacing attitude to their 
rivals. Turkey humiliated, weakened and divided, could not 
help sinking deeper into that state of languor which had been 
creeping over her for a century. Russia on the contrary, 
triumphant and strengthened by an acquisition of territory, 
which considerably augmented her power, had been obliged 
to yield to a number of circumstances which united in com- 
pelling her to relinquish her great i>rojects ; but nevertheless 
she still entertained the hope of being able to resume them 
with advantage at some future day. In the prosecution of 
extensive views, it was necessary to make these new acqui- 
sitions the powerful centre from which the bolt that would 
crush Turkey, should be hurled. The situation and fertility 
of these provinces were both favourable to the improvement 
of agriculture, commerce, and of course population ; and it 
only required the steady action of an intelligent administra- 
tion to make them a source of increasing prosperity to Russia 
and an arsenal of destruction for her enemies. Catharine, 
convinced of this truth, and seriously anxious to render these 
countries flourishing, imagined that it was necessary to com- 
mit this trust to the most able hands in her empire. As it 
was of the highest importance that the military should be yi 
good order, she thought she could not do better than confide 
its direction to Souvarof. She accordingly appointed him 
commander in chief of all the troops included in the three 
governments of Ekaterinoslaf, the Crimea and Oczakof, as 
far as the mouth of the Dniester. The count departed and 

to dread an attack from the Swedes. The position of Swedish Finland is snch 
that it is untenable when Russia invades it with a strong force. This is fully 
proved by Lloyd in the chapter of his " Political and Military Memoirs," in 
which ho examines the. frontiers of the different countries in Europe. Thm, 
the occupation of Swedish Finland by Russia, can never pfove the superiority 
of the latter over the former, but merely the infallibility of the principles of the 
m of modern warfare. 



SOUVAROF. 1*£ 

established his head-quarters at Cherson, where lie remained 
for two years* employed in fortifying the frontiers, intro- 
ducing a higher discipline among the troops, and arranging 
every thing in such a way, that in ease of another rupture, 
Russia might be ready to invade the territory of the enemy. 
Thus the life of Souvarof, in time of quiet and peace, offers 
nothing" very interesting or varied ; but it shews us the pit I 
Log and rare spectacle of a man, who devoted his life to the 
performance of his duty, and whose enjoj ments entire! v 
consisted in rendering services to his country. 

In the mean time the Poles, who notwithstanding the treaty 
and apparent amity which connected them with Russia, had 
not ceased to regard that power as their worst enemy ; who 
had not forgotten the outrage that had been committed by the 
partition of their country and the blows aimed at their liberty; 
who hoped to free themselves from all foreign influence by 
taking advantage of the commotions which agitated Europe, 
of the Russian war against Turkey and Sweden, of the revo- 
lution in France and the employment that this strange event 
furnished to the courts of Vienna and Berlin, had annulled 
by resolutions of the diet, since the year 178S, and the com- 
mencement of the Turkish war, the constitution which the 
empress had forced them to accept in 1775. As Catharine, 
had enough to attend to just at this time, she dissembled ; but 
she reserved her vengeance, until a favourable moment for 
inflicting it. In 1791, the Poles tried her patience still further. 
The mania of making constitutions then infected every head 
in Europe, and the Poles proposed one to their chief to which 
all the nation acceded. By an article in this constitution the 
crown was made hereditary. This wise measure tended to 
give their monarchy the same stability which the other 
monarchies of Europe etyoj ed. Actuated by a sound policy, 
or by a jealousy of Russia and anxiety to prevent her 
aggrandizement, or perhaps by a wish to deceive the Pol 
with regard to his real designs, the king of Prussia approved 



136 THE LIFE OF 

of their conduct and seemed to witness without repugnance, 
the escape of this people from the anarchy to which they had 
been long condemned, and their approaches to a stable and 
regular government. Besides, Prussia already meditated 
war against France, and Pilnitz had seen within its walls 
William and Leopold, who forgetful of the quarrels of their 
fathers, had united themselves by a treaty, which was a master 
stroke of policy, since it drew together all the powers of the 
German empire. Nature had destined this people to be indis- 
solubly united and this treaty made the steady, wise and 
peaceful nation of Germany the director of Europe and palla- 
dium of its liberty. Happy would they have been, if the 
ulterior views of ambition had not misguided them, and intro- 
duced among them a want of unanimity, then a separation of 
their forces, and finally conducted all of them to their ruin. 

Austria was governed by the same reasons as Prussia, in 
refraining from interrupting the Poles in their creation of a 
constitution Whilst the event of the projected war with France 
was uncertain, and it was as yet impossible to calculate the 
number of forces which its continuance would require, it was 
more advantageous for Austria to see Poland erected into an 
independent monarchy, than to see it pass under tne yoke of 
Russia. But the ambition of Russia was stimulated by pre- 
cisely the same motives with the others. Catharine wished 
to revenge herself and to subjugate Poland as by tiiis 
means she gratified two favourite passions of her heart; and 
occupied with this project, she perceived that Europe was in 
such a situation, that it could not throw the least impediment 
in the way of its execution. This circumstance alone was a 
powerful excitement. The comprehensive policy of Catha- 
rine, moreover, could not permit her to allow Poland to be 
organized, and to be put into the way of becoming a strong 
and formidable state. What would she not then have had to 
fear ? With what care would she not have been obliged to watch 
it ? What plan could she have adopted to calm or seduce this 



SOUVAROF. 137 

exasperated 'people, who finding; power in their hands and 
being assisted by the troops of France, of Turkey, of Sweden, 
and perhaps of Prussia, would have afforded a passage to all 
the enemies of Russia and put themselves at their head ? It 
was impossible that Catharine should expose herself to t!ii 3 
clanger. If her policy had been less passionate and more 
prudent in the commencement of her reign, the relations 
between Poland and Russia would not have been in such a 
situation in 1791. But the work was of such a nature, that 
as it was once begun it was necessary to finish it to prevent it 
from being fatal to its author. The first partition of Poland 
was an act of horrible iniquity ; the last was, at least on the 
part of Russia, a necessary injustice. 

The conduct of the Poles was such as to excite no more 
sympathy for them in this new crisis than in those into which 
they had before been thrown by fortune or their enemies, or 
themselves. We dread being unjust, but we must avow, that 
it is impossible for us to see in what point of view this frivolous 
and inconsistent nation can inspire an interest, (we must be 
understood as speaking of an interest for their political des- 
tiny.) In the last struggle which Poland maintained for its 
independence, she manifested her levity, her imprudence and 
her usual precipitation. How could she hope to overawe the 
Russians by publicly declaring herself opposed to them, and 
how could she hope to resist their numerous and warlike 
armies which would soon be poured in upon her territory, by 
a conduct so little concealed, so foolishly open as that which 
she pursued ? Catharine, who wished for nothing better than 
to be provoked, pretended to be exasperated, because the 
Poles had violated the constitution which she had guaranteed, 
and because they had dared to make a new one for themselves. 
Finally, in order to have a pretext for playing the part of a 
conqueror, she solemnly declared war against Poland, 
through her minister at Warsaw. The diet received this 

declaration with an air of calmness and grandeur. But it 

8 



138 THE LIFE OF 

resembled a scene in the theatre, where all the sentiments are 
fictitious, and it deserved to meet with a similar result. In 
reading the Roman History we are struck with seeing the 
Senate receive with mild dignity, the intelligence of the most 
overpowering disasters ; but in the most eventful times of the 
Roman senate, their virtues, the recollection of their 
triumphs, the esteem and confidence of their subjects remained; 
it could be calm, tranquil, and grand under misfortune, with- 
out being accused of ostentation. But whence was derived the 
title of the Polish diet to imitate the Roman senate 2 

If this title was unfounded, the powers of the diet were no 
less so. Instead of foreseeing the part which Russia would 
act and endeavouring to avoid the danger, the diet waited for 
the ultimate decision of its enemy, before it adopted any mea- 
sures at all. When this decision was made known, an army 
was hastily levied ; and to insure the effect of this multitude, 
precipitately and tumultuously assembled, against victorious 
and veteran bands, they gave the command to prince Joseph 
Poniatowski.* But before this army was collected, the Rus- 
sian troops returning from the frontiers of Turkey, penetrated 
into Poland in different corps and at different points, and 
threatened the dispersion or destruction of the patriot 
forces. 

As Catharine well knew, both by celebrated examples and 
her own experience, that policy has produced greater changes 
in the world than war, and that its influence when brought to 
assist the force of arms, gives them a double efficacy in their 
operation, she carried on intrigues in Poland to attach parti- 
zans to her cause, and negotiated at the same time with the 
courts of Vienna and Berlin, to induce them to co-operate in 

* Nephew of the former king of Poland; less handsome, less amiable, less 
sprightly and less interesting than his uncle in private life; hut equally as 
frivolous and inconsistent in his public life. 



SOUVAR&F. 139 

the grand work that she meditated. From the manner in which 
she prosecuted her schemes, she succeeded with hoth courts. 
The lure of a fair portion of Poland was held out to seduce 
them, and to the effect of this motive we may add the inquietude 
which they felt, lest the empress should execute the project 
alone, if they refused to join her. Besides, Prussia and 
Austria began to apprehend that the revolution in Poland, 
from the appearances which it exhibited, would be only a 
powerful diversion in favour of the French and the new prin- 
ciples which they had adopted ; they feared that Europe, 
pressed upon the east and west by two numerous, eclcbrated 
nations, carrying the spirit of innovation even to fanaticism, 
would see its ancient social edifice overthrown, falling amidst 
the ruins of crowns and broken sceptres. The fear arising 
from this source, the prospect of augmenting their dominions, 
always alluring to kings, and the authority of Catharine, 
whose opinions possessed great influence in the cabinets of 
Europe, were motives more than sufficient to determine the 
conduct of the inexperienced monarchs who governed Prussia 
and Austria.* Under the protection of the first of these 

* These were Frederick William II. and Francis II. Frederick William 
had reached a mature age, but not having taken any part in public affairs 
during the life of his uncle, Frederick the great, he had had no opportunity 
of acquiring information before his reign, and he was not long enough 
upon the throne to obtain it. This prince, who was ambitious and anxious 
to distinguish his reign, unfortunately for himself and his people, was fond 
of the pleasures of luxury, the greatest defect that a king of Prussia can 
possibly possess. It was not necessary that Frederick the great should 
have a successor like himself; (for if it was necessary to sustain a monar- 
chy, that two Fredericks should follow in succession, what monarchy could 
be continued?) it only required a wise, economical and moderate prince, 
who would not depart from the circle traced out by his predecessor. The 
status quo of Europe should be the basis of the politics of Prussia, for no 
other power can lose as much as she by alterations and revolutions. Fre- 
derick William thought the contrary, and died without being convinced of 
his error ; but his son paid dearly for his mistake. Frederick William II. 
by his example, introduced fashionable frivolity among the Prussians, and 



6 



liO J* THE LIFE OF 

princes and Russia, a confederation assembled at Grodno, in 
the month of April, 1793, the object of which was, to revoke 
every thing that had been done by that of Warsaw, in 1791. 
This confederation was composed of partizans which Russia 
had been able to gain over to her side during this interval. 
Among them may be observed some of the first names in 
Poland, having at their head the king, that old automaton of 
Catharine, who had not been able to detach himself from the 
hand, by which he had been so long guided. The empress, 
hy her minister, declared to this confederation, that she incor- 
porated with her dominions all that part of Poland occupied 
by her troops. In the mean time the troops of the king of 
Prussia had occupied another part. As the confederation 

frivolous Prussians would lose in one campaign what Frederick the great 
had gloriously and with difficulty acquired in twenty. We will be so bold 
as to say, that this intelligent monarch who had assisted in the first parti- 
tion of Poland, would not have consented to the last. The dismemberment 
and annihilation of Poland were two different things. As to the French, 
revolutionists Frederick would not have made war upon them, but would 
have been content as long as they remained within their ancient limits. By 
this prudent conduct he would have made himself respected in Europe, 
and would have held the balance of power in his hands. He would at the 
same time have husbanded his resources, and become the arbiter of the 
quarrel between the Russians and Poles. He would have prevented the 
latter from creating a revolution at home, dangerous to themselves and 
their neighbours; andhe would have prevented the former from taking ad- 
vantageof this crisis to destroy the monarchy of Poland. This, which was 
the true interest of Prussia was equally true as to Austria, but in a less 
degree. The Austrian monarchy possesses more stability than the Prus- 
sian, and can sustain many more shocks without being overthrown. It 
has not so much reason as its neighbour to dread the agitation of Europe 
and the ambition of other powers. At the same time we think that the 
father and grand-mother of Francis II. would have adopted a different line 
of conduct from the one which he pursued, in the same circumstances. 
This monarch, easy in his disposition, has been frequently led into error by 
bad counsels. But his goodness atones for the absence of many brilliant 
qualities ; and cherished by his people, whom he has made happy, he per- 
forms, in the view of a philosopher, the duty of a king upon the earth. 



SOUVAROF. Ill 

opposed no obstacle to these invasions, but consented to them 
by their silence and submission, these foreign troops were 
established by a sort of legitimate authority upon the Polish 
territories/"} 

This was not conformable, however, to the views of the 
nation and this dissent was soon apparent. Mutinies and 
partial insurrections occurred every where. The Russians 
were obliged to be guilty of outrages to repress these excesses. 
They mercilessly treated Poland as a conquered country, and 
made her feel all the heaviness of their yoke. 

The principal chiefs of the insurgents, the authors and sup- 
porters of the constitution of 1791, had been compelled to 
fly into foreign countries. Kosciusko may be distinguished 
among them.* This celebrated officer, who had recently 
signalized himself in various skirmishes with the Russians 
as commander of the advance guard of the army of prince 
Joseph Poniatowski, had been forced to quit Poland in conse- 
quence of the confederation of 1793, and the occupation of 
the country by the Russian armies, and had retired into Ger- 
many. But he was soon recalled to the Polish frontiers, by a 
deputation of his compatriots who had induced him to put 

* Thaddeus Kosciusko was a gentleman of Lithuania. After having 
commenced his career in the service of Poland, he served his apprentice- 
ship to war in an excellent school of patriotism and military virtue — the 
school of Washington. Returning to Poland, he enjoyed the reputation 
of a good offioer, and was designated by public opinion, to be one of the 
leaders of the first army of the insurgents, the supreme command of which 
was given to prince Joseph Poniatowski. He originated, and after many 
varieties, ended the insurrection of Poland ; for after the Russians took 
him prisoner at Matcheviz, the affairs of Poland constantly declined. 
He was treated with severity in his prison at Petersburg, during the life 
of Catharine. Paul the first restored him to liberty. He then repaired 
to Philadelphia, but soon returned to Paris where he remains at this 
time. We shall have occasion to speak of his services, and to appre- 
ciate his military talents. : 



1*2 THE LIFE OF 

himself at their head and deliver them from their enemies. 
The motions of a man so well known as Koseinsko could not 
be kept secret. The offended Russians adopted measures to 
counteract them ; and Kosciusko, fearful of being carried off 
by force, and seeing that things were not ripe enough for a 
general insurrection, made a journey into Italy. His stay 
there was not long. Other chiefs of the insurgents, less con- 
spicuous than himself, collected a party sufficiently numerous 
to commence operations. As the Russians became more 
secure, they became less watchful. They had neglected to 
compel colonel Madalinsky to disband his regiment, according 
to the orders which he had received. This regiment was 
destined to he the germ of a new army in favour of Polish 
liberty. It was in garrison at Cracow. This spot had been 
selected, because it was so remote, that the Russians would 
probably feel no inquietude, lest it should be the rallying point 
of a new party, and they hastened to write to Kosciusko to 
join them there. He did not require much persuasion, and in 
the month of March, 179i, he joined his companions in arms, 
who elected him their commander in chief. Five thousand 
men, composed of infantry and cavalry, with several hundred 
peasants constituted the force with which he commenced his 
noble but arduous career. His first trial of strength was for- 
tunate. All the Russians who were cantoned in the Palatinate 
of Cracow, were collected to crush this new insurrection at 
its birth. Kosciusko attacked and put them to flight after a 
bloody combat. This success increased the confidence of the 
troops in their leader, and perhaps a little too much his confi- 
dence in himself. 

As soon as the news of this victory was spread through the 
country, the Poles became, as it were, inebriated. They no 
longer regarded danger : they forgot that they were sur- 
rounded by powerful and valiant enemies ,* they rose on all 
sides, without reflecting how they could sustain this moment of 
effervescence. At Warsaw, the Russian general Igovelstroom 



SOUVAROF. 148 

adopted vigorous measures to repress the commotion, but they 
were not successful ; his force was not equal to the occasion. 
The garrison, amounting to two thousand men, was massa- 
cred and the general obliged to fly with precipitation. The 
example of the capital was imitated by the pro\ hires, and the 
capture or massacre of the Russians was every where multi- 
plied. The imprudent Poles, thus in some measure, made 
the vengeance legitimate, which was preparing to overwhelm 
them. The thunder of the storm began to rumble* 

Souvarof had received orders to quit Cherson, to disarm 
in the Ukraine and Red Russia the Polish regiments which had 
passed into the service of Russia, since the declaration of 
the empress to the confederation at Grodno. These regiments, 
which violence alone had enlisted under any other banners 
than those of their country, were roused as soon as they were 
apprised of the insurrection of their fellow-citizens. Their 
revolt would have been exceedingly dangerous, as they were 
armed, and if they had re-entered the territory of Poland and 
joined the insurgents, they would have augmented their num- 
ber and power. The number of the Russian troops was tri- 
fling, in the part of the country which these Polish regiments 
occupied. This circumstance rendered the process of disarm- 
ing them more difficult, and the accomplishment of it required 
an officer of great capacity, greatjpru deuce and great courage. 
Catharine knew where to find a man in whom these qualities 
were united ; she charged Souvarof with the execution of the 
commission. 

The count set out from Cherson in the month of May, 
179i, with a corps of ten thousand men, and proceeded by 
forced marches into Red Russia. When he arrived there 
he formed his plan to surprise the Poles, surround and disarm 
them without being obliged to shed blood. He communicated 
to the generals who served under his orders, the dispositions 
which he had made, the principal of which were these ; to march 



14* THE LIFE OF 

on the same day upon given points (the day appointed was the 
26th of May ;) to arrive at these points, after occupying all 
outlets, so that the Poles could not escape ; to employ gentle- 
ness and persuasion to induce them to surrender their arms 
without opposition, hy promising to restore them to all those 
who would enter the service of Russia ; to send off immedi- 
ately, all who chose to do so, under an escort, that they might 
be incorporated into different regiments ; to give passports to 
those who wished to return to their homes ; to pay what 
arrears might be due, and form them into small bodies so that 
they might be carefully escorted to the place of their desti- 
nation ; finally, to display the greatest firmness in case of 
resistance. There was no resistance ; the measures were so 
proper and executed with so much precision, the officers who 
served under Souvarof were so accustomed to follow his orders 
throughout their whole tenor and extent, and through every 
difficulty, that the operation of disarming the Polish regiments 
was completed without violence and without delay. In less 
than fifteen days, Souvarof disarmed eight thousand men, in 
a circuit of nearly two hundred leagues, without spilling a 
drop of blood. 

The count having thus by his vigilance, his prudence and 
his vigour, happily executed the important and perplexing 
commission with which he had been entrusted, immediately 
received another more important and more analogous to his 
bravery and talents. The insurrection had become general in 
Poland : and although the Russians under the orders of the 
generals Fersen and Derfelden had obtained many advan- 
tages over the insurgents ; although the king of Prussia, who 
had advanced in person at the head of his troops, to sustain 
the Russians after the massacre at Warsaw, had gained con- 
jointly with them, an important victory over Kosciusko at 
Zakrorzim ; yet the celerity of the Polish commander, in 
restoring his losses, and the resources which he found in the 
confidence of his nation, had enabled bimto re-appear upon 



SOUVAROF. 1*5 

the scene of action in a respectable condition. Every tiling 
seems to announce, that the patriot party in Poland would 
have maintained itself for a lone; time, and disputed fiercely 
the possession of the tattered remnant of their country with 
its ravishers ; if the assistance of one of those men, before 
whom every thing bends, because they have on their side the 
irresistible force of perseverance and genius united, had not 
been called in «to triumph over the number, the courage, the 
exaltation and the despair of a whole people, and to over- 
come obstacles which common prejudices would deem insur- 
mountable. Unfortunately for Polish liberty, Souvarof was 
one of these men, and was instructed by his sov ereign to termi- 
nate this war. 

He was at first enjoined to set out with the few troops which 
he had around him; but the general command of all those in 
Poland afterwards devolved upon him. In consequence of 
this, Souvarof sent to the chiefs commanding the different 
corps scattered through the provinces in which the Poles had 
been disarmed, commanding them to march immediately ; 
and pointing out the route which he wished them to take, he 
designated as a place of rendezvous the town of Varkovitz, 
situated on what, by the first partition, became the new fron- 
tiers of Poland. He himself, departed from Niemerof on the 
1-ith of August, 17 9 i, having with him eight thousand five 
hundred men. 

Conformably to his favourite principle (a princ iple which 
belonged to his character, and which all the wars that he 
conducted gave him an opportunity of displaying with great 
success) Souvarof marched with extreme diligence, knowing 
that the event of this war, more than any other, depended 
upon the vigour with which it was carried on. In spite of the 
continual rain which hail deepened the roads and rendered 
the passage of rivers excessively difficult, he moved over in 
eight days, the eighty-four leagues which separate Niemerof 

T 



Ii6 THE LIFE OP 

from Varkovitz. To keep up the courage of his troops in 
these extraordinary fatigues, he himself set the example of 
enduring all sorts of hardships. Always at the head of his 
army, lightly clad, mounted on a little Cossack horse, eating 
what his soldiers ate, and lying in the midst of them, he taught 
them that it was necessary to brave every difficulty for the 
service of their sovereign and the honour of their country, 
and that this duty was so imperious that their general did not 
think himself exempted from fulfilling it in all its severity.* 
This devotedness of a general, which necessarily draws after 
it that of all the other officers, is more certain of producing 
the intended effect upon an army, as the soldiers know that 
their commander has every means of moving with convenience 
in his power and thus the merit of subjecting himself to the 
fatigues which they are obliged to support, appears full and 

* Hannibal mounted upon an elephant in the day of battle, but in march- 
ing he was always on foot at the head of his troops. Caesar constantly 
did it. It was the custom of Roman consuls, nay, it was even enjoined 
upon them. Cars were given to them after a victory, but not to go in quest 
of it. We do not find that the great men of Greece adopted any other 
usage, from Miltiades to Alexander. Modern times have 'seen Gustavus 
Adolphus on horseback at the head of his brave troops; the prejudices of 
the age would not have permitted a king, nor even a gentleman, to appear 
in any other way before an army. The infantry were more valued in 
the time of Turenne, and this great man profited by it, to follow the 
example of Hannibal and Cxsar, whom he imitated in all other respects; 
Frederick, the rival of all three, was ignorant of the luxury of carriages. 
It is a singular invention, which, in an army, forms a ridiculous contrast 
with military apparatus. There are circumstances where simplicity is 
enjoined by necessity as well as principle, and generals attach a value, 
from utility as well as sentiment, to the plan of making themselves 
personally known'to their troops, and of being always seen, that they may be 
more loved and better obeyed. We believe for example, thai Xenophon wisely 
followed this maxim in the retreat of the ten thousand; Alexander in lead- 
ing a handful of men to the conquest of an immense empire ; Hannibal 
in his celebrated march from Spain into Italy ; Caesar in hastening from 
Africa against Pharnaces, and Frederick from Rosbach to Leuthen, 



SOUVAROF. It7 

entire. Souvarof, like a great warrior, knew the advantage 
of this practice ; and few generals, ancient or modern, could 
enumerate as many successes as he, which this mode of 
conduct had obtained. 

The other corps having arrived at Varkovitz, in a very 
few days after Souvarof himself arrived there, lie gave some 
repose to his army. He employed this interval in repairing eve- 
ry damage which had been occasioned by the rapidity of his 
inarch, and making his troops bake bread enough for a month, 
as they would find in advancing into Poland a ruined country, 
destitute of provisions. After having taken these precau- 
tions, the count made every arrangement for marching for- 
ward, expecting (and with some degree of certainty) that this 
reinforcement of twelve thousand men with himself at their 
head, united to the troops which the Russians and Prussians 
already had in Poland, would speedily effect the entire reduc- 
tion of the country ; when he suddenly received intelligence 
that the king of Prussia, who had laid siege to Warsaw after 
his victory over Kosciusko, had been obliged to leave that 
place with precipitation and hasten to the south of Prussia, 
where a dangerous insurrection was bursting forth. To add 
to the misfortune, general Fcrsen, who seconded the opera- 
tions of the Prussian monarch, not being able to carry them 
on alone, had also been obliged to raise the siege. Since that 
time he had been lying at some distance from the city, on the 
left bank of the Vistula, from which place it was impossible 
to give the least assistance to Souvarof; for he had in front 
of him a numerous army of Poles, placed there for the special 
purpose of preventing him from crossing to the right bank. 

Events so unexpected would certainly have induced any 
other general than Souvarof to stop short, without being sub- 
jected to censure. He would have acted on the defensive, 
demanded reinforcements and fresh instructions, and would 
not have endangered the safety of an army, who might be 



lis THE LIFE OF 

ruined by pushing forward. Souvarof in this critical position, 
when fortune seemed determined to retard his victory, resolved 
to accelerate its approach. As obstacles multiplied in his 
path, he increased the rapidity of his march. He came as an 
auxiliary to others, but he fought without assistance. Not 
one could co-operate with him in the conquest of Poland, he 
then completed it alone ; and posterity cannot say that the least 
part of the work which Souvarof was called to execute re- 
mained unaccomplished. 

He instantly formed his plan ; for his conduct from the 
time of his entering Poland to the assault of Praga 
proves that we do not attribute to him more reflection 
than he really entertained. This plan consisted in ap- 
proximating towards his corps, all the Russian troops 
who were scattered through the country, so as to form 
one entire body, and in the mean time to continue to advance 
with confidence and boldness. By ordering all the different 
corps to join him, Souvarof collected a respectable army 
which might intimidate the enemy ; he acquired the means of 
undertaking something decisive ; and he drove his enemy by 
this manoeuvre to the necessity of uniting his forces also, in 
which case, one battle would decide the fate of Poland. By 
adopting the bold resolution of continuing his march into the 
interior of the country, he astonished the enemy and kept them 
in suspence ; he allowed no time for reflecting upon the 
advantage which they had gained by the relinquishment of 
the siege of Warsaw ; he kept them in uncertainty with 
regard to the number of his troops ; he prevented them from 
sending detachments or occupying positions which might 
impede the junction of the Russian troops, but on the contrary, 
he facilitated their union, which when once effected, assured 
him the superiority which he desired. We may readily ima- 
gine, that a man of the temper of Souvarof, was essential to 
the conception and execution of this plan. An ordinary 
general, who would not have been so sure of his own powers 



SOUVAROF. 149 

ami las ascendancy over lite soldiers, would have been in dan- 
ger of being surrounded, by acting in this manner. He might 
perhaps, have obtained some victories, but even these victo- 
ries would have wasted his strength. His march, which 
would have been uncertain and slow, would have given time 
to the enemy to rally after a defeat, and return continually to 
the combat; and in proportion as the enemy would have 
received i'resh courage and confidence, the troops of this gene- 
ral would have experienced lassitude and despondency. In 
admiring great men, it is necessary to reflect deeply on the 
example which they afford, and not imprudently attempt to 
imitate them ; for they sometimes engage in entcrprizes, in 
which no one else could succeed. 

This undertaking of Souvarof was a model of vigorous 
conception and vigorous execution united. It is impossible 
to divine what would have been the result of the insurrection 
in Poland and its influence over the fate of that country and 
of all Europe (especially since the Russians, escaping from 
massacre, had since acted on the defensive, and the king of 
Prussia so far from assisting them was obliged to support 
himself against his own subjects) if Souvarof, reasoning 
according to the prudence and circumspection of a common 
man, had permitted himself to stop for an instant. We will 
say more ; generals as able and experienced as Souvarof, but 
devoid of his resolution and inflexible courage, which, during 
fifty years of war had been intimidated by nothing, but which 
on the contrary, increased by opposition ; — generals upon 
whom heaven had not conferred an energy of character inde- 
pendently of talents and genius, to the same degree that it 
had upon our hero, would have failed in the conquest of 
Poland, because it would have been impossible for them not to 
have hesitated upon the means of effecting it. Like Souvarof, 
they would, doubtless, have seen that these means consisted in 
the prompt defeat of the Poles. But Souvarof saw more; he 
saw the certainty of vanquishing them, because he felt himself 



150 THE LIFE OF 

invincible ; and this new Achilles advanced, sure that his 
aspect alone would intimidate his enemies. When the empress 
Catharine, at the conclusion of this war, set no bounds to her 
gratitude to her general, it was because, that, independently 
of the pleasure which she received from the possession of a 
new crown, she knew how imminent was the peril from which 
Souvaro had delivered the throne of Russia. 

The count upon leaving Varkovitz, repaired to Kovel, at 
the distance of eighteen miles, and was there joined by the 
last divisions for which he waited. His corps after this 
junction amounted to twelve thousand men. He knew that 
the Polish general Sirakovski, who was at the head of twenty 
thousand combatants had pushed his advanced guard as far as 
Kobrin. He resolved to go in search of him and signalize 
Ins entry into Poland, by a victory over this chief, one of the 
principal insurgents. 

After having exhorted his troops not to be disheartened by 
fatigue, or the number of the enemy, Souvarof moved forward 
determined not to stop until he had destroyed or dispersed the 
troops of Sirakovski. Eight hundred Cossacks preceded 
him, who had orders to charge the enemy as soon as they 
came up to them, without waiting for the infantry.* These 

* Souvarof had a particular esteem for the Cossacks. He evidenced it by 
often adopting their costume, by riding horses similar to theirs, by speaking 
their language and by being constantly surrounded by some of them. Sou- 
varof, who profoundly understood modern war, and was deeply versed in the 
knowledge of mankind, had his reasons for being fond of the Cossacks. 
These devastating plunderers, who are more expensive than useful when they 
make war according to their 'ancient mode, in independent bodies, unite h* 
themselves every military quality, and can always be employed with success 
when they are subjected to the rules of order and discipline. Brave, intel- 
•it, active, robust, patient, zealous, faithful, obedient and ardent, the Cos- 
ks render every service that can be expected from the best troops. They 
excel especially in the war of light troops. The ease with which they are 
•supported, their indifference to all temperatures which they endure day or 



SOUVAROF. i*l 

brave men, on whom the voice of Soiivarof was never spent in 
vain, punctually executed the orders which they had received 
from their general. When they met the advanced guard of 
the Poles at some distance from K.nbrin, they rushed upon 
them with a precipitation which allowed no time for reflection,. 
The enemy had three hundred men cut to pieces, a hundred 
taken prisoners, and the remainder were put to flight. By 
the time the infantry arrived, ever} thing was finished. At 
Kobrin, they found a great abundance of com and forage, 
which was very a propos to the Russians, as they were 
in extreme want. Nothing proves the excellence of the sys- 
tem of rapid marches more than the capture of these ma- 
gazines from the enemy, who had not time to destroy them, 
and the enjoyment of which refreshed the Russians after their 
fatigues. 

Sirakovski was near Kroupczizc with a corps of eighteen 
thousand men, in a very advantageous position behind a large 
and deep marsh, two hundred paces over, on each side of which 
were woody hills. The approach was defended by five heavy 
batteries. In this state of things, it was necessary either to 
turn the enemy's flank, and Souvarof had not a sufficient 
number of troops for that ; or to remain in that situation, 
which time would not permit $ or to retreat, but Souvarof 

night in the open air, the smallncss of their equipage, which is confined to the 
garments which they have on theirbody; finally, their skill in horsemanship, 
added to the dimunitiveness and agility of their horses, who with the same ease 
traverse mountains, plains, marshes and rivers, and eat of every thing which 
the earth produces ; — all these circumstances united, make the Cos-acks the 
best partizan troops in the world, when military discipline arrests their plun- 
dering disposition and employs them for the general good of an army instead 
of their own individual benefit. The injury which can be done to an enemy 
in the modern system of war, with troops so numerous and little expensive as 
the Cossacks, is incalculable. Souvarof was convinced of this ; he contri- 
buted more than any other person, to give them their just value in the Etna 
sian army ; and more than one foreign army has learned, with sorrow, the part 
which he instructed them to perform. 



152 THE LIFE OF 

never retreated ; or to advance and attack the enemy, which 
he resolved to do. 

He accordingly gave orders for the attack.* The infantry 
crossed the marsh, in spite of the most disheartening obsta- 
cles, and exposed to the constant fire of the enemy. Nothing 
stopped the progress of the Russians, however great were the 
difficulties which they had to surmount ; for the general under 
whom they were accustomed to conquer, was with them. 
Some made use of beams and planks which they tore from the 
neighbouring cabins, and threw into the marsh to form a 
crossing place ; others disengaged themselves by their own 
efforts. Of all the artillery, only four pieces could be got over, 
which the soldiers carried on their shoulders. The rest were 
left behind under an escort. Three squadrons of hussars and 
all the Cossacks crossed the marsh upon the two wings at the 
same time with the infantry. 

As soon as the troops had crossed the marsh (which occupi- 
ed nearly an hour) they formed, mounted the little hill, and 
marched rapidly against the enemy, who received them with a 
severe fire of grape shot. The Russians discharged only a few 
shot, and then fell upon the Polish lines with the bayonet. The 
corps of Sirakovski defended themselves with obstinacy ; but 
notwithstanding the great superiority of their artillery, they 
were thrown into disorder and lost a number of men. Si- 
rakovski then began to think seriously of a retreat. He 
formed a square with three close columns, with the cavalry 
upon the flanks, and retired slowly. At this time the 
Russian cavalry arrived, which had made a circuit, and 

* This relation of the double victory obtained by Souvarof over the Polish 
general Sirokovski, is drawn from an abstract of the campaigns of Souvarof, 
contained in a work, entitled " Campaigns of the Attstro- Russians in Italy, in 
1709." This work, printed in Germany from official documents, is written 
with accuracy, by a man of science. It has been, and will be hereafter a 
guide to ns. for the pure and simple exposition of military events. 



SOUVAttOF. 

crossed the marsh upon felled trees, leading their horses 
by the bridles to prevent them from being mired. This 
cavalry at the same moment attacked the two Hanks of the en- 
emy's eolumns, already in full retreat. The Poles experi- 
enced anew a considerable loss ; they vainly made every ima- 
ginable effort to avail themselves of their numerous artillery ; 
but pressed upon all sides by the cavalry and infantry, they 
were obliged to fly to the woods. Just at this moment night 
came on and put an end to the pursuit. 

The Poles left upon the ground three thousand m<hi, of 
whom many were officers. The Russians lost a hundred and 
twenty-five killed, and had two hundred wounded. The Rus- 
sian infantry contributed more than any other species of force 
to the success of the day r ; for they always attacked the enemy 
with the bayonet, and always destroyed them. Notwithstand- 
ing the immense advantage of the position of the Poles, their 
superiority in numbers and artillery, they were obliged to 
yield the disputed ground. 

A little before midnight, the Russian army was in motion to 
pursue the enemy, who had retired in a precipitate manner" to 
Brzescia, about sixteen leagues from the field of battle. 
"When the Russians arrived at Teichin, two leagues from 
Brzescia, they encamped in a retired valley, carefully avoid- 
ing whatever might discover them. At night they resumed 
their march in the utmost silence, and passed the river Mu- 
chavez by two fords, one of which was marshy and difficult to 
cross. Much time was lost in this passage ; so that when they 
arrived on the opposite bank, it was already day. They 
were yet a league from the Bug. Before they could reach 
that river, they heard the alarm sounded from the monas- 
teries and bells of Brzescia, announcing their unexpected ap- 
proach. The Russians then quickened their steps, gained 
Ihe bank of the river, crossed it by a ford, and hastened to 
form in line on the opposite ban!*. 
X V 



Lbk THE LIFE OF 

The Russian general Schewitsch, commanded twenty-five 
squadrons on the right wing; general Islinief commanded the 
left wing, composed of thirteen squadrons and the greater part 
of the Cossacks, whilst general Burhauden was in the centre 
at the head of the infantry and all the field artillery, consist- 
ing of fourteen pieces. 

The Polish general being persuaded that the Russians 
could arrive at Brzescia only by the direct road, had formed a 
battery on the bridge over the Bug, and stationed a regiment 
there to defend the passage, and hence imagined himself se- 
cure in his position. But as soon as he perceived the Russians 
defiling across the Bug, lie hastily struck his camp, and tak- 
ing a new position, put himself in battle array, and appeared 
determined to wait with intrepidity for the attack. Souvarof 
ordered general Schewitsch to attack the left wing of the ene- 
my, with the cavalry of the right wing, and immediately the 
whole line began to advance. The Poles did not wait for their 
arrival, but formed themselves into three close columns, with 
the artillery in the intervals. Each of these columns had 
nearly thirty men in front, and a hundred in depth. They 
were sustained by divisions of cavalry, and began to retreat 
* from the right in perfect order. Islinief received orders to ad- 
vance at a full gallop upon these columns, with the squadrons 
of the left wing and the Cossacks. He charged the first near 
a \yox)d, which had a deep ravine in front. As the Russians 
rose from this ravine, they were received with a discharge of 
grape shot, and left many of their men and horses on the field. 
They returned three times to the charge; at length they suc- 
ceeded in breaking the column, a great part of which was cut 
to pieces. 

The two other columns had removed behind the village of 
Koroschin, where they occupied a very advantageous height. 
The Polish general arranged them in order of battle, and 
seemed determined to stand firm. His new position was ex- 



SOUVAUOF i. 

(.client. His front was covered by the village, and his right 
think by a very thick wood, where he speedily raised a mask 
cd hattery of eight heavy pieces of cannon, which lie supported 
by two battalions of chasseurs. 

Schcwitsch, witli twenty-four squadrons, charged the front 
and flanks of the column nearest to him. The Russians were 
received with a discharge of grape shot and musquetry; and 
experienced a vigorous resistance from the column, which 
defended itself with desperate courage ; for, of three thousand 
infantry who composed it, and a party of cavalry who sup- 
ported it, there were scarcely a hundred who asked for quar- 
ter ; almost the whole of them were cut to pieces on the 
ground on which they stood. 

In the mean time the other column was engaged with a few 
squadrons, and as soon as the attack became general, they 
experienced the same fate as the former. More of them, how- 
ever, escaped, because this column had time to disperse, while 
the others were defending themselves. At the same time, the 
cavalry of the left wing approached the masked batteries in the 
wood, which they carried under a terrible fire of grape shot 
and musquctry. At last, the Cossacks and the four battalions 
of chasseurs, cut off the retreat of the Poles, and the action 
was terminated at two in the afternoon. 

This battle, which lasted six hours, happened on the 19th of 
September, 179*. Of all the corps of the enemy, who had 
more than thirteen thousand men, (three thousand of whom 
were cavalry,) not more than three hundred escaped ; live 
hundred were made prisoners, and all the rest were strewed 
upon the field of battle. All the Polish artillery was taken, 
consisting of twenty pieces, most of them of brass and of a 
large calibre ; and two standards, the only ones which 
they had, and which they had received from the revolutionary 
council at Warsaw. Each one had a device, bearing the 9< 



ioG THE LIFE OF 

words iu letters of gold :— Liberty, Equality, Independ- 
ence. 

The Russian army consisted of eight thousand men, of 
whom nearly four thousand were cavalry. These were ail 
which Souvarof had under his orders, for he had been obliged 
to make large detachments. The Russians, in this action, 
had five hundred and fifty killed, and a much greater number 
wounded. 

There are many remarks to be made upon these two succes- 
sive battles, both of them extraordinary in their details, and 
important in their results. We perceive Souvarof following 
in particular actions, the same system which he pursued in 
planning his campaigns. The same promptness and impetu- 
osity directed him in both, and succeeded in both equally well. 
Always inferior in numbers to the enemy, he marched against 
them without stopping to count them ; and yet, it is well wor- 
thy of remark, that he was guilty of no imprudence or temeri- 
ty ' y for he knew how superior his troops were to the Poles, 
and how superior he himself was to Sirakovski. Merit sup- 
plied the deficiency of numbers. The Poles were a different 
sort of enemy from the Turks, for they manoeuvred in the 
European manner ; they managed their artillery with dex- 
terity ; most of their officers had served in regular armies, 
and they were aided by many officers from foreign countries. 
Nevertheless Souvarof marched against them as he did 
against the Mussulmen, and yet committed no unthinking or 
daring folly. He acted from calculation and necessity ; and 
this is satisfactorily proved by the different manner in which 
he made the attack. When he was opposed to the Turks, he 
feared neither their artillery, which they knew not how to 
use, nor their infantry, which could not be kept firm ; he 
feared only their cavalry. Hence his method of attacking 
them was by marching up in square columns, which the caval- 
ry could not penetrate, hut which the artillery would have 



SOLVAROF. 157 

destroyed, if it had been well served. In the hands of the 
Poles the artillery was formidable. What method did lie 
then pursue ? lie rendered it useless. He attacked it 
with his tirailleurs, and especially with his cavalry, because 
there was no apprehension from the cavalry of his adversaries.* 
The attack was irregular, and as the cannon were difficult to 
manage, a great part of their effect was lost. The enemy 
were astonished, and in a country where they might have oc- 
cupied formidable positions,! they were pressed with such 
vigour that they scarcely had time to think of a retreat. Thus 
harassed, the Poles returned with fury to the battle : but the 
Russians, who attacked them with more steadiness, and were 
from habit firm and constant, had only a better opportu- 
nity of obtaining the victory. They soon took from the Poles 
the artillery, upon which their hopes rested, and with which 
they thought themselves invincible ; so that thus losing the 
strength of their army, and not being able to attempt with suc- 
cess a single plan for retrieving their affairs, they were exter- 
minated, in spite of their courage and their terrible despair. 
We shall soon see this same Souvarof, whom we now observe 
adopting such just, though opposite methods, to secure victo- 

* Souvarof repeated at BrZescia before Sirakovski, as an old and expe- 
rienced general, the same manoeuvre which he had performed at Landskron, 
before Dumouriez, as a young warrior entering upon service. It was attended 
with equal success. This confirms what we advanced in the second chapter, that 
the manceuvrc of Souvarof at Landskron, was not entirely arbitrary, and that 
Dumouriez was wrong in bringing forward such an accusation in the Memoirs 
of his Life, and in believing that he was vanquished by any other cause than the 
!-kill of his adversary. Dumouriez was guilty of a little, ordinary, subterfuge, 
that his self-love might not be offended. 

f Plains intersected by forests, rivers and large marshes, arc, since the in- 
vention of artillery, far preferable to a mountainous country as military por- 
tions, and of course better adapted to a defensive war. With an active and 
vigorous infantry, as the infantry of all Europe is at present, it is easy to 
turn a position in the mountains, where artillery and cavalry are very often 
unless. On the contrary, it is very difficult to take an army in the Hank or 



IBS THE LIFE OF 

ry from two dissimilar nations, display against the French 
all the intricacies of stratagem and tactics, and conquer these 
new and formidable enemies, by resorting- to the only method 
in winch they could be conquered. The extraordinary 
ascendancy which Souvarof had acquired over his soldiers, 
raises him at once above common men, and places him by the 
side of Alexander, of Hannibal, of Csesar, of Gustavus, of 
Henry IV. and of Turenne ; and this ascendancy, the imme- 
diate gift of Heaven, explains a croud of phenomena, for 
which ordinary reasoning is unable to account. 

The news of the disaster which had happened to Sirakovski, 
created the strongest sensation at Warsaw, among the people, 
and among the chiefs. All eyes were turned upon Kosciusko 
(who enjoyed already almost all the prerogatives and impor- 
tance of generalissimo,) as the only man capable of re-estab- 
lishing the ruined circumstances of their country and ar- 
resting the progress of the. victorious enemy. Kosciusko, 
like a devoted patriot, undertook this double duty, and im- 
mediately began its performance. He formed his plans like a 
wise and able statesman. He sent pressing orders to all the 
Polish corps scattered along the banks of the Vistula, to re- 
pair to his standard. At the same time he ordered general 
Makranov ski, who commanded all the divisions of the insur- 
gents iu Lithuania, and who was himself at Grodno, to put 
his troops in motion and place himself in the rear of Souvarof. 
On the other hand, he sent strong reinforcements to the re- 
mains of the corps of Sirakovski, which after the battle of 

rear, which is covered by marshes and woods. In order to effect it, immense 
'lumbers are necessary, and they must be drawn out in such a way as to be ex- 
posed to imminent danger ; and, besides, in the plains, the artillery and caval- 
ry of the enemy are always ready to overwhelm them. If Sirakovski had been 
more perfect, or rather, if Souvarof had been less perfect and less resolute, the 
Russians most have been lost. If he had amused himself in manoeuvring, he 
would not have remained eight days in Poland; he could not have acted other- 
wise than he did. 



SOUVAROF. 15* 

Brzescia had retired to within six miles of Warsaw, and 
charged this general to stop Souvarof in front. Kosciusko 
himself took a position before general Fersen, with a corps of 
ten thousand men, resolved to prevent this general from 
crossing the Vistula, or to dispute the passage ; for he sup- 
posed that if he could prevent the junction between Fersen 
and Souvarof, he would have the advantage of them both, on 
account of his immense superiority in numbers. 

Ever since Fersen had heon obliged to retire with the Prus- 
sians to the left hank of the Vistula, he had been manoeuvring 
to deceive the Polish corps who were watching him on the 
opposite bank, and endeavouring to throw a bridge across 
the river. At last he succeeded in rendering Poninski the 
dupe of his movements; for whilst he thought that Fersen 
was attempting a passage at Pulava, the latter actually 
crossed the river at Kosniza, his old position. Kosciusko, 
persuaded from the intelligence which he had received from 
Poninski, that the Russians would cross at Pulava, hastened 
to that point to oppose them. He no sooner perceived his mis- 
take, than unwilling to engage before effecting a junction 
with Poninski, he ordered the latter to join him with all pos- 
sible expedition, and in the mean time took a strong posi- 
tion at Matcheviz, six leagues from the Vistula, which he 
entrenched and fortified. 

Baron de Fersen, informed that the two Polish generals had 
not yet effected a junction, resolved to prevent it and attack 
Kosciusko without delay. Having made the necessary dispo- 
sitions, he fell upon the Polish camp with eighteen battalions, 
forty squadrons, six regiments of Cossacks, and forty-five 
pieces of artillery. To see the enemy, and to attack him on 
every side, was the same thing with the Russians. The vic- 
tory cost them dear, but it was complete. Six thousand 
Poles remained dead upon the field ; sixteen hundred were 
wounded and made prisoners : and among them were the 



160 THE LI^E OF 

generals Sirakovski and Kneehevitch, almost all the superior 
officers as well as those of the staff, and the general in chief, 
Kosciusko himself.* 

* Here terminated the political and military career of this general. No 
one will deny that he possessed talents, courage, resolution and patriotism. 
The last plan which he formed to oppose the progress of the Russians, after 
the double defeat of Sirakovski, was, in a military point of view, well arrang- 
ed, and marked with extreme boldness. Never to despair of the public safety 
in time of extreme danger ; to unite with promptitude all his forces, bear first 
upon the enemy whom there was the most hope of overcoming ; to return 
afterwards upon the most terrible and dangerous, and overpower him by 
numbers ; — all these actions c an proceed only from a brave patriot and au 
able captain. But is not boldness temerity, when it is not founded upon the 
most rigorous calculation of probabilities ? And when we consider the 
conduct of Kosciusko most favorably, is there not reason to ac- 
cuse him of having been more enterprising and daring, than wise? Consider- 
ing it generally, how could Kosciusko and his Polish officers hope, in the 
commencement of their insurrection, in a country destitute of fortresses, with 
troops levied in haste and badly armed, to be able to make head at all points 
and in open hostilities, against the well disciplined and well provided armies 
of the Russians ; against their veteran and intrepid troops and experienced of- 
ficers ; more especially when the Russians already occupied part of Poland, 
and could penetrate into the other without any obstacle ? But in particular, 
how could Kosciusko presume to believe that he should arrest the victorious 
march of the terrible Souvarof; — how could he, whose talents had never yet 
been seconded by good fortune, who had been constantly beaten by the Rus- 
sians and the Prussians, dare to flatter himself that he should triumph over an 
invincible warrior, before whom every thing had hitherto yielded, and who 
did not require to be followed by a great number of soldiers, since each one of 
his was equal to four ? The plan of Kosciusko was doubtless well combined ; 
but with his means, was the execution of it easy ? This should be the first en- 
quiry of a general. It is easy to form a specious plan ; it is more difficult to 
carry it into execution ; and the schemes of the enemy, as well as his resistance, 
should betaken into the calculation, more especially if he is headed by a Sou- 
varof. If Kosciusko had vanquished Fersen, and then united with Sirakov- 
ski, returned to oppose Souvarof, the only result would have been, that in- 
stead of ten thousand, he would have had the pleasure of being beaten at the 
head of thirty thousand men : But as to his defeat, it was certain. The con- 
duct of Kosciusko was unwise from the commencement of the revolution of his 
country. Kosciusko was brave and intelligent, but he was a Pole. Had he 



Ol \ AROF, 161 

Ai this time So uvarof remained at Brzescia. He preserved 
tliis important post, one of the granaries of Poland, from 
which Warsaw and the army of the insurgents drew their sup- 
plies; so that by remaining there he was able to provide 
abundantly for his own army, and to straiten and harass the 
enemy. Besides, his army was weakened by the continual 
combats it had sustained, and by the numerous detachments 
required to guard and escort the prisoners it had made. Eve- 
ry day indeed detachments were sent out to reconnoitre the 
country as far even as Warsaw, and to clear it of the numer- 
ous parties of Pules, who, divided into small bands, made 
every effort to cut off the communications of the different Rus- 
sian corps. Souvarof had obtained the object he had first 
proposed ; he had driven the enemy, struck with terror, be- 
fore him ; had reduced him to the defensive, and placed him- 
self in such a position, that the other divisions of the Russian 
army in Poland, had but few obstacles to overcome and a 
trilling distance to march to unite themselves to him. The 
rules of the art of war demanded therefore imperiously, 
that he should aw r ait this junction, before he left his position 
and struck the decisive blow. 

But as soon as Souvarof received intelligence of the victory 

been otherwise, his measures, in the situation in which he was placed, would 
have been marked by extreme prudence and circumspection. He would have, 
remained at Cracow. As another Serto.ius, he would have formed in the 
mountains of the country, a party less numerous, but more firmly united, and 
more difficult to vanqnish, as it would have been not easily assailable to the 
Russians ; and which, there were many reasons to suppose, would have been 
secretly protected and encouraged by Austiia. This germ, in its development, 
would have gradually produced a tree, whose fi uit would have been the inde- 
pendence of Poland. But a plan systematically arranged, matured with 
deliberation, and of which the result can only take place with time and pa- 
'knee, is notofanature to enter into the ardent and impetuous imagination of 
a Pole. Pulaski had been lost from too much precipitation ; and Pulaski Ava : 
» different man from Kosciusko. Nevertheless, when Souvarof vanquished 
him, he was not then the experienced warrior that he was in 17?k 

X 



102 THE LIFE OF 

gained by Ferscn,' foreseeing the impression Swhich this 
event, and especially the taking of Kosciusko, would have 
upon the insurgents, he immediately put the army in motion 
in the direction of Warsaw ; dispatching fresh orders to Fcr- 
sen, and the generals of all the different divisions, to march 
with all expedition upon the point to which he was himself 
advancing. 

As the defeat of Kosciusko had forced the Polish generals 
to a precipitate retreat, and all of them endeavoured to take 
refuge in the capital, the country by degrees was cleared of 
their troops ; the roads were open to the Russians, and their 
advance to Warsaw was only retarded by the manoeuvres by 
which they attempted to cut off and beat in detail the Polish 
corps which were endeavouring to throw themselves into that 
city. 

Makranovski was flying before Derfelden, who" marched 
from Grodno upon Bielsk. Souvarof himself marched upon the 
same point, with the intention of intercepting Makranovski. 
But the latter had already left Bielsk, and was retiring by 
forced marches to Warsaw. Souvarof resolved, by advanc- 
ing further, to cut off his retreat. Approaching Tolkov, he 
there learned, that there was a body of several thousand men 
near Stanislavov, composing part of the army of Makranov- 
ski. In consequence of this intelligence, he ordered general 
Ferscn, who from Matchivitz had come up the Vistula, and 
was already at no great distance from Stanislavov, to march 
directly to that city and attack the enemy ; while he should 
himself await the arrival of Makranovski at Vengrov. The 
event did not correspond to these measures ; no enemy ap- 
peared ; he had already escaped. Souvarof marched to 
Stanislavov, where Ferscn had arrived the preceding even- 
ing, without meeting the enemy. The junction of these two 
corps was here effected. Ferscn brought with him from 
eleven tq twelve thousand men ; Souvarof had therefore 
eighteen thousand under his orders. 






SOUVAROF. 168 

The Polish troops who had occupied Stanislavov, and who 
were, not more than two thousand strong (though general 
report greatly exaggerated that number) had retired to Ko- 
bylka, where they were joined by three or lour thousand of 
their countrymen. Souvarof marched upon Kobylka, distant 
about four leagues from Warsaw. At the approach of his 
van-guard, the Poles retired in three columns ; but were 
soon attacked by the Cossacks and chasseurs of Souvarof, 
and in a little time, by the whole of his cavalry. The Poles 
fought desperately and refused to accept of quarter ; they 
were almost all cut in pieces — four hundred only were made 
prisoners. On the part of the Russians the loss was very 
inconsiderable. The infantry was not engaged ; not being 
able to arrive in time on account of the badness of the roads. 
This corps was found to be one of the columns of the army of 
Makranovski, commanded by general Mayen. The two 
other columns, of which this army was composed, had 
already arrived by different roads at Praga, adjoining War- 
saw. 

After the battle, which lasted four hours, the Russian troops 
assembled at and encamped under Kobylka. Souvarof occu- 
pied the centre ; Fersen the left, and Derfclden, who arrived 
a few hours after, encamped on the right. 

Souvarof now found himself at the head of twenty-two 
thousand men, of which fifteen thousand were infantry, ami 
seven thousand cavalry. He had eighty-six light field pieces, 
but no heavy artillery. 

He was aware that all the forces of the enemy, and his last 
hopes were in Praga, where Makranovski had drawn together 
thirty thousand Poles in a triple entrenchment, fortified with 
one hundred and four cannon and mortars. Despising this 
superiority of force, and trusting to his chosen troops who 
had too often conquered under him not to triumph again, 






1G* THE LIFE OF 

Souvarof resolved to finish this already protracted war* fey 
one of those brilliant exploits which make a deep impression 
upon the minds of a whole people, which exhaust the springs 
of war among a nation in actual revolution, by substituting 
the icy chill of terror for the enthusiasm of insurrection 
which animates them ; and which for a few thousand victims 
sacrificed at a blow, arrests the effusion of the blood of mil- 
lions, whose death would be the inevitable consequence of the 
horror and carnage of many years. 

The assault of Praga was therefore determined on. Praga 
is an extensive suburb of Warsaw situated on the right bank 
of the Vistula, opposite to that city. Beyond the works of 
the city, the Poles had established their entrenched camp ; so 
that when driven from the camp, the fortifications of Praga 
afforded them a shelter, and consequently a double assault was 
necessary to become master of this suburb. These difficulties, 
instead of intimidating Souvarof, stimulated him with a 
greater desire to overcome them. In a military view he was 
certain that the Polish troops were n ot sufficiently organized 
to defend themselves with the same skill as regular and well 
disciplined soldiers. From general considerations he felt 
assured, that there could not be among the insurgents that 
perfect conformity of views and opinions, and consequently 
that unity of action which alone ensures success. And lastly, 
from considerations of policy he could not doubt, but that a 
vigorous blow, struck at the very centre of the insurrection, 
would perplex and dismay, and destroy for ever this nursery 
of revolt. We enter into this exposition of the motives which 
guided the determination of Souvarof, to disprove the absurd 
accusations of those who have said that this great general 
conquered only by dint of the effusion of blood, and disdained 
to use, or was ignorant of any other means. At Praga, the 
grounds on which he formed his calculations were completely 
justified by the event. If Praga, instead of thirty thousand 
Folish insurgents, had been defended by as many regular 



SOUVAROF. 16b 

troops, either French, Austrian, or Russian, the most head- 
strong and inexperienced novice in war would scarcely have 
been guilty of the folly of attacking it sword in hand. Is it 
then to be presumed, that Souvarof would have hcen guilty 
of that fault ? — It is melancholy for an historian to live in 
an age when public opinion is so abused, that it becomes 
necessary to enter into a justification of his hero for his most 
skilful and brilliant exploits. 

While Souvarof was arranging his plan, and making pre* 
parations for its execution, the Poles throughout the city and 
the camp, were in the greatest confusion. Makranovski. 
weary of his post of commander in chief, had sent in his 
resignation to the revolutionary committee of Warsaw.* This 

* The Poles have managed so well in the last days of their political exis. 
tence, that they finished by legitimating the political annihilation of their 
country. A revolutionary committee ! Heavens ! and whore? on the borders of 
the Vistula ; in a country which has not yet passed through the stages of 
civilization, and which they would initiate already into all its abuses and 
excesses. And why ? to acquire liberty and a fixed constitution. Is it then 
from a revolutionary committee that stability for political institution* i- 
acquired? How many millions of men have attested with their blood, and how 
many millions by the mise»y of themselves and their children, the falsity 
of this doctrine. By such an odious institution the Poles proved themsdvo 
unworthy of the liberty they sought. Yes ! even if the destruction of Poland 
had not been determined on when this committee was established, yet it then 
became a measure forced upon the neighbouring powers by every considera- 
tion of policy, morality, philosophy and religion. Of policy, because kings 
owe it to the safety and tranquility of their states, which a people, who create 
revolutionary committees would infallibly disturb — of morality, because it • 
the duty of the whole world, but particularly of the rulers of nations to stifle 
the evil wherever it can be reached — of philosophy, because other nations 
ought not to consent that any one should debase the dignity of man, arrest 
the progressive improvement of the human mind, and degrade itself to the 
level of the brute ; of religion lastly, because, notwithstanding the decla- 
mations of sophisters, man cannot detach himself while on the earth, neithei 
from all connexion with his fellow-men, nor dependance upon the divinity . 
because the whole human race must be considered as forming but one fannl) 



166 THE LIFE OF 

committee appointed to succeed him, a gentleman named 
Zeonchik, hitherto very little known, but who was fitted by 
his infatuation to entomb the liberty of his country. This 
new general sent an officer to Souvarof, accompanied by a 
physician, whom he requested the Russian general would per- 
mit to visit the wounded Kosciusko. Thus far the request 
was reasonable and Souvarof would have granted it, had not 
Kosciusko already been removed to a considerable distance ; 
but Zeonchik demanded besides, that the carriages and equi- 
page of Kosciusko should be sent back, and expressed himself 
in terms so contemptuous and rude, that the Russian general 

and one society. But no member of a society is free in his actions, when they 
disturb the regular and fixed order of things. The same holds good of one 
nation or people with regard to other nations ; and if society punishes the 
individual who violates the law, other nations should, in the name of universal 
justice equally punish that guilty people who despise the dictates of humanity ; 
they should deprive them of the power to outrage, not only nature and huma- 
nity, but even the Supreme Being. The existence of the revolutionary com- 
mittee has, therefore, justified a partition which otherwise is without any legi- 
timate pretext. How then can this nation complain of being governed by 
others, when it at no time knew how to govern itself? Whilst throughout all 
Europe, the arts and sciences revived and flourished ; whilst all nations, even 
the smallest, Venice, Genoa, Portugal and Holland, commenced a noble career, 
and by the development of all their faculties and capabilities, were elevated to 
the rank of powerful nations, Poland alone, which nature formed to be great 
and powerful, despising all her advantages, and a prey to a disgustful anarchy, 
had neither administration of government nor police, or morals, or laws. In 
vain was the example of others set before her ; she was proud in her barbar- 
ism, and would not imitate. And when at last she found the necessity of a 
change, she began by a revolutionary committee ! We hope in Heaven, that 
no one will accuse us of the unworthy intention of blaming the holy and sa- 
tied impulse which rouses a people to resist the oppression of another, and 
throw back the chains which are offered to them. But as this impulse is admi- 
rable and sublime in a people who would remain separate and free, and preserve 
their institutions, their laws, and their independence ; so much more terrible 
is it in a people who plunge into the gulph of faction, and who evidently shew 
from the beginning, that they will soon destroy all that remains of morality, 
and the laws, of public opinion, and national character. 






SOUVAROF. 167 

thought proper to send him the following answer : — " The 
" foolish chiefs of the insurrection think to brave the power of 
" Russia with vulgar abuse. Zeonchik has dreamed thai 
u his new post exempted him from the common rules of ci- 
" vility. The count Souvarof Rymnisky returns him his jaco- 
" bin scribble. Here there is no equality, or frenetic liberty. 
" Hereafter no Hag will be received, unless it is in the name of 
" a sincere penitent, imploring forgiveness for the past." This 
letter, signed Souvarof, a name already so well known in Po- 
land, made a deep impression upon the revolutionary com- 
mittee, to whom it was communicated by Zeonchik. 

Souvarof, having sought all the information which could 
assist the disposition of his plan, made the final arrangement 
for his attack,* broke up his camp at Kobylka, and marched 

* The details of this plan merit to be generally known ; to military men 
they will be useful. They are as follow : 

1st. The army will march from Kobylka for Pfaga in three different co- 
lumns, the 22d October, at five in the morning, and arriving by different 
roads, will encamp in a circular form around the town. 

2d. The right wing to be commanded by lieutenant general Derfelden, the 
centre by lieutenant general Potemkin, and the left wing by lieutenant ge- 
neral baron de Fersen. 

3d. In the course of the night after the army shall have formed its encamp- 
ment, there shall be erected in front of each corps, batteries, which are im- 
mediately to play upon the enemy. The object of these batteries is to lead the 
enemy to believe, that a regular siege is intended, and to afford to officers and 
chiefs of columns, an opportunity to reconnoitre under the protection of the 
cannon, the places of rendezvous of the columns, and the points of attack. 

4th. The attack will be made in the night of the 23d — 21th October, in sr 
columns. Four columns will hear upon the right ; two on the centre, in- 
dining to the left; and one column on the left wing to the bank of the Vistula 

5th. Each column shall be preceded by one hundred and twenty -eight si i 
shooters and (wo hundred am* tV9o pienfrr^. The first will carry tht 



168 THE LIFE OF 

with drums beating and colours flying for Praga, before which 
he arrived at eleven o'clock on the morning of the twenty-se- 
cond of October. On the night following, the Russians estab- 

out-posts of the enemy without firing, protect the pioneers, and engage with 
the enemy on the rampart, while the approaches to it are cleared. The pio- 
neers will clear the way of obstructions, and carry fascines, hurdles, and lad- 
ders. Besides these pioneers, about thirty workmen with entrenching tools, 
shall be attached to each battalion. 

6th. The first column of the right wing, so soon as the entrenchments are 
forced at the point of the bayonet, shall cut off the communication and retreat 
of the enemy by the bridge. 

7th. The second and third columns, as soon as they have taken the batte- 
ries and works, will draw up in order of battle in the great square. 

8th. The fourth column having overcame all obstacles in its way, and taken 
the two cavaliers, will take possession immediately of the park of artillery. 

9th. The three last columns shall attack half an hour later, that the enemy, 
who is known to be more numerous on his right, may be called off to the 
other wing, and thus insure the success of the operation. The seventh co- 
lumn is particularly ordered to march to the assault in the direction of the 
island of the river ; and to send a detachment, if it is possible, to the left, 
along the bank of the Vistula, to aid the first column in cutting off the retreat 
of the enemy by the bridge. 

10th. Immediately upon the columns clearing the entrenchments, they will 
form on the open space within, and fall upon the enemy with the sabre and 
bayonet. 

11th. The reserves of each column, composed of two battalions and two 
squadrons, and the conductors of the artillery of regiments forming the co- 
lumns, will march in line, one hundred and fifty paces in the rear of each co- 
lumn ; will form immediately on the parapet of the outer entrenchment, and 
clear a passage with their labourers and pioneers, for the cavalry. 

12th. So soon as the columns have carried the second entrenchment, they 
will scour the streets of Praga, and disperse the enemy with the bayonet, with- 
out stopping for trifling objects or entering houses; at the same time, the re- 



SOUVAROF. ' 

(jshed three butteries, one of twenty-two pieces of artillery 
on the right wing, one of sixteen pieces in the centre, and 
another of forty-eight on the left wing. At day-break they 
began to play upon the enemy, and were answered by a quick 
and constant fire from the entrenchments, but which did very 
little injury. On the twenty-fifth, at five in the morning, the 
Russians commenced the attack in seven columns. The two 
first were exposed to the cross fire of many batteries, as well 
as to a fire of grape-shot and musquetry from the small islands 
of the river, which were upon their flanks. But nothing 
could stop them; they scaled the entrenchments, threw them- 
selves upon the infantry and cavalry behind them, killed two 
thousand on the spot, and made two thousand prisoners. At 
least a thousand men, attempting to save themselves by swim- 
ming, perished in the Vistula. 

The third and fourth columns were obliged to march up a 

Serves shall occupy the second entrenchment in the manner and with the same 
object as directed for the first. 

13th. At the same time, all the field artillery, composed of eighty-six pieces 
of cannon, shall occupy the outer entrenchment, supported by onethird of the 
u hole cavalry; the remainder of the cavalry will be posted on the wings, ob- 
serving their proper distance. 

14th. The Cossacks will preserve the stations assigned them behind the co- 
lumns. Those between the fourth and fifth columns, at the commencement of 
ihe assault will approach to the rampart, shouting hurra ! And those station- 
ed on the banks of the river, will maintain their respective posts, forming 
mi-circle. 

15th. It will be necessary to act with great energy against all those in arms; 
but the inhabitants, all those without arms, and those whj demand quarter, 
must be spared . 

16th. As soon as resistance is over, a spot will be selected proper for the 
erection of batteries, on which the artillery will be mounted, 
immediately opened upon * : - 

Y 



iro THE LIFE OF 

small sandy eminence, which presented very great obstacles. 
Impatient to arrive, many of the soldiers threw away their 
hurdles and fascines to be able to march more expeditiously in 
the sand, and keeping their ladders only, assisted each other 
with the hand to pass the six lines of pits and ditches wliieh 
the enemy had constructed. The third column took two strong 
advanced bastions, and notwithstanding a vigorous resist- 
ance, penetrated into the interior of the works. The fourth 
took B, k cavalier and a fort surrounded by a stone wall, with|their 
batteries, which were strongly palisadoed ; five other batte- 
ries were then carried at the point of the bayonet, and the 
enemy attacked in front and on both flanks. Two thousand 
men were here cut in pieces. 

Among these was a regiment of the line composed entirely 
of Jews. They amounted to five hundred, well armed and 
equipped, and upon the same footing as the other Polish 
troops, from which indeed they could scarcely be distinguish- 
ed. They made a most obstinate defence, and were all de- 
stroyed to a man, with the exception only of their colonel 
Hirchko, who had remained prudently in Warsaw. 

The fifth column overcame all difficulties with astonishing 
celerity. It took the batteries, and having penetrated within 
all the entrenchments, made its way directly to the bridge, 
and joined the first column in cutting off the retreat of the fly- 
ing enemy by the bridge of Warsaw. 

The sixth and seventh columns met with many obstacles. 
They took, however, three batteries, and marched forward. 
The cavalry of the enemy who opposed them were defeated, 
put to the bayonet, or driven into the Vistula, where there 
perished nearly a thousand men; five hundred were made 
prisoners. 

Hitherto the columns had fought and repulsed the enemy in 
the open interval between the outer entrenchments and the 



SOUVAROF. 171 

walls of the town ; they now penetrated into the town, and be- 
gan a horrible carnage in the streets and public squares. The 
most terrible scene was the massacre of several thousand men, 
intercepted in their flight, on the bunks of the Vistula. Three 
thousand four hundred were made prisoners there, and all the 
rest put to the sword or drowned in the river, under the (; 
of the inhabitants of Warsaw, who vainly stretched their arms 
to them from the opposite bank. But a spectacle equally 
mournful for the people of that capital, was the burning of 
many of the houses of Praga, whose destruction appeared the 
forerunner of their own approaching ruin. On all sides were 
heard the rattling of shot, the bursting of bombs, and the cries 
and shrieks of the dying. The mournful tolling of the tocsin 
was heard amid the tremendous noise of artillery, and con- 
sternation filled every soul. 

By the hour of nine in the morning, after four hours fight- 
ing, the battle entirely ceased. There arc few examples of a 
military operation so hardy in the conception, skilful in the 
execution, and so memorable in its results ; since by extin- 
guishing in one day the fire of insurrection, it shook to its base 
a throne, which by its very constitution had excited so many 
commotions, and re-established the public tranquillity. It 
required uncommon intrepidity to give this decisive blow ; 
for it was necessary to carry by main force, a triple entrench- 
ment, fortified with a numerous artillery, and defended by a 
garrison of thirty thousand men ; under the eyes of the capital 
of the kingdom, whose hopes were all centered in this bulwark, 
confided to the valour of its bravest warriors. 

The Poles left thirteen thousand men dead on the field of 
battle; of which a third was composed entirely of the flower 
of the youth of Warsaw. More than two thousand were 
drowned in the Vistula, and the number of prisoners amount- 
ed to fourteen thousand five hundred and eighty three. The 
same day eight thousand of them were released and set at 



1752 THE LIFE OF 

liberty, and the rest in a few days after. The Russians ios* 
five hundred and eighty killed, and nine hundred and sixty 
wounded. 

During the assault a shell fell into the hall of the ^revolu- 
tionary committee of Warsaw, in which the members were 
actually assembled. In its explosion it killed the secretary* 
who was at the time reading a dispatch to the committee. 

A great number of Poles of distinction, and high in rank, 
were among the dead, and many others among the prisoners. 
They had in general been completely deceived by the batte- 
ries erected on the side of the Russians. They expected, and 
were preparing for a regular siege, which they hoped would 
be protracted throughout the winter. The night before the 
assault, they transported thirty-six pieces of cannon to Praga 
from Warsaw, leaving only twenty pieces on that side of the 
river ; which, however, did more execution on the Russians 
than those of the entrenchments. The artillery taken consist- 
ed of one hundred and four cannon and mortal's, of large 
calibre. 

Souvarof established his quarters without the entrench- 
ment, adjoining the park. The generals and superior ofli- 
cers repaired to him ; and after mutual congratulations, the 
general caused a slight refreshment to be served upon the 
spot, to which he invited the Polish generals who were taken 
prisoners. After the repast, he reposed some hours upon the 
straw, and the simple tent of a common soldier was pitched 
for him for the night. 

Particular orders were given for the subsistence of the pri- 
soners, and the care of the wounded, the greater part of 
whom were sent over to Warsaw. The Polish officers had 
permission to retain their swords, and were treated kindly. 
Souvarof made them feel that they had to do with an enemy 



SOUVAROF. 173 

who was generous in victory. He took no other revenge for 
.the many Russians massacred treacherously, and perhaps at 
the instigation of the very same officers whom he treated with 
such consideration. 

The morning after the taking of Praga, a deputation of the 
magistracy of Warsaw, arrived, hearing a letter from the king, 
and a note from the council of the city. Souvarof gave them 
the most flattering reception. He ran to then, crying, Pa- 
koi, peace ; embraced them, conducted them to Ids tent, and 
making them sit down by his side, granted them much more- 
favourable terms than they could have hoped to obtain. Ne- 
vertheless, on the day following, the same deputies came from 
Warsaw, bringing answers to the articles proposed by Sou- 
varof, from which it appeared they wished to gain time; and 
pretending among other things, that the bridge could not bo 
repaired as promptly as the Russian general had required, 
they wished to afford time for the Polish troops to evacuate 
the city, and carry with them the artillery, ammunition, and 
stores. Souvarof instantly sent back the deputies, adding 
new articles to those he had at first proposed, and demanding 
inform; — that the magistracy of Warsaw should cause all the 
inhabitants to be disarmed, and their arms transported in 
boats to Praga;— that they should engage to deliver up the arse- 
nal, powder, and stores, to the troops of his sovereign the 
empress of Russia ; — that in compliance with their former 
promises, they should cause the troops of the Polish republic 
to lay down their arms, or, in case of refusal, compel them 
to evacuate Warsaw. The general demanded also, that the 
king of Poland should command ail the regular troops to h\\ 
down their arms, with the exception of one thousand men re- 
tained as his personal guard ; and that all the Russian prison- 
ers detained at Warsaw, should be set at liberty on the verj 
next day. He granted to the eighth of November for the re- 
establishment of the bridge ; and required an immediate an- 
swer to these demands. In the mean time, he gave orders to 



IT* THE LIFE OF » 

general Buxhowdcn, whom lie had nominated commandant 
of Praga, to re-establish immediately with the troops, that 
part of the bridge next to the town ; that the Poles might be 
relieved from part of the labour, and have no pretext for de- 
laying to finish it. He commanded general Fersen at the 
same time, to ascend the Vistula as far as Koresev, eight 
leagues from Praga, and pass the river at that point. The 
object of this order was, to attack the troops who were escap- 
ing from Warsaw with their arms ; and at the same time, in 
case of treachery or insurrection in the capital, to be able to 
march instantly to it, and attack it from the other side, which 
looked towards the open country. 

These precautions were not useless. In the night of the 
26th — 27th October, a great tumult and commotion took 
place at Warsaw. The troops under the orders of Vavrochev- 
ski attempted to carry away the king and all the Russian 
prisoners. The evil disposed part of the inhabitants joined 
the military : but the magistracy, who foresaw the dangerous 
consequences of such a design, commanded the people to op- 
pose it, and to resist force by force. They were well obeyed. 
Vavrochevski, stopped in the execution of his designs by the 
resistance of the people, left Warsaw with his troops, leaving 
a declaration, by which he announced, that in concert with 
the supreme council of the revolution, he left all authority in 
the hands of the king. The first use which this monarch 
made of his power, was to request Souvarof to fix a day for 
his entry into Warsaw, promising to have the bridge restor- 
ed with the utmost dispatch. Souvarof announced that he 
would enter it on the eighth of November., 

On the day appointed, the Russian troops commenced to 
defile by the bridge, and entered into the city with drums 
beating and colours flying. At the hour of nine, the count 
Souvarof passed the bridge on horseback, surrounded by his 
staff. He wore a simple cavalry uniform, without decora- 



SOUVAROF. 17,* 

(ion or ornament, and the plain hat of an officer, lie was 
followed by the regiment of grenadiers of Kcrson, and a nu- 
lnerons hand of music. 

He was received on the other side of the bridge, by the ma- 
gistracy of the city in a body. The president presented to 
him the keys of the city on acushion of velvet, with bread and 
salt, and addressed him with a harangue. The count look 
the keys himself, carried them to his lips, and raising them 
towards Heaven, said aloud, " Almighty God, I thank thee 
•'that I have not been obliged to purchase the keys of this place 
"so dear as"— and turning towards Praga, his voice failed. 
With his cheeks bathed in tears, he cordially embraced the 
magistrates. He was soon surrounded by a numerous crowd : 
Some threw themselves at his feet, others stretched out their 
hands. The count took them affectionately by the hand, and 
replied with an expression of profound sensibility, to all these 
marks of attention, admiration and respect. All the win- 
dows were filled with spectators, who contemplated this im- 
posing scene, and rejoiced at the return of order. On all 
sides resounded the cries, " long live Catharine, long live Sou- 
varqf." The presence of a conqueror, whose clemency and 
fidelity inspired confidence, suddenly rendered a whole peo- 
ple, just before tumultuous and ferocious, gentle and quiet as 
a lamb. 

In this manner the procession continued to move on through 
Cracow street, till it arrived at the square called the square 
of the New World. Arrived before the cathedral, Souvarof 
halted, and entering the church, made a short prayer. He 
made choice afterwards of a hotel in the neighbourhood of the 
cam]), where he established his headquarters. A new scene 
was there presented to his sensibility. The magistrates pre- 
sc ntrd to him the Russians who had been so long in captivity 
at Warsaw, to the number of thirteen hundred and seventy- 
six. These unfortunates threw themselves in the arms of 



176 THE LIFE OF 

their general with the greatest joy. They owed him not 
only their liberty, but life itself; for before the retreat of 
the revolutionary committee, a proposition was made on the 
part of some of the members, for the massacre of these prison- 
ers. Five hundred Prussian prisoners and eighty Austri- 
ans were likewise delivered to Souvarof ; who caused their 
irons to be struck off, and themselves to be conducted to the 
frontiers of their respective countries. 

The general had demanded an audience of the king; it was 
fixed for the day following. At ten in the morning Souvarof 
set out for the castle, attended by his suite, and a guard of 
honour. On that day he was in full uniform, and decorated 
with all his orders. The king received him with marked dis- 
tinction, and embraced him several times. They remained 
some time in the cabinet of the king, and this private audience 
effected, what the formal negotiation had not done. At the 
instance of Souvarof who set before the king the dangerous 
consequences to the public tranquility if the Polish troops 
should remain armed, the king consented that they should be 
disarmed, and delivered all the artillery of Warsaw into the 
hands of the Russians. 

Still, however, the troops of the confederation who had 
escaped from Warsaw, assembled in bands and parties, which 
were so much the more formidable, as in the provinces they 
found numerous partizans. They were estimated at thirty 
thousand men, under the orders of general Vavrochcvski, the 
intimate friend of Kosciusko. These troops formed different 
divisions under the generals Hedroitch, Dombrovski, Mada- 
linski, and prince Joseph Poniatovski as their leaders. 
Their intention was to repair to Gallicia, which they should 
have done before the assault of Praga, if their movements had 
been directed with any portion of military skill, for it was the 
only movement which could have embarrassed the operations 
of Souvarof. But his vigilance was still active, and they had 



SOUVAROF. 17? 

(aken this [step" now when it was too late. During the eight 
days that lie awaited at Praga the rebuilding of the bridge, 
he had dispatched various eorps to cut off the retreat and in- 
tercept the Polish troops in detail. His instructions were 
quickly and punctually obeyed ; for the generals serving un- 
der him, were accustomed to execute his orders promptly and 
to their full extent. In giving an order, he passed over the 
difficulties attending its execution, and enjoined them merely 
to be on such a di\\ and such an hour, at the point directed ; 
and he who did not comply exactly, must have good reasons 
to allege for his failure. In the present instance, every 
thing succeeded to his wish. Many Polish corps, cut oft* by 
the skilful and rapid movements of the Russians, implored 
the clemency of the conquerors. The answer of Souvarof to 
the propositions of all, was constantly to promise protection 
and safety to those who submitted. The officers and nobles 
were permitted to retain their arms, but he demanded that the 
troops should be completely disarmed and dispersed. These 
terms did not seem at first to be acceptable to the generals 
Vavrochevski, Dombrowski, and Madalinski, who had united, 
and had a disposable force of about twenty thousand men. 
But Souvarof promptly reinforced general Fersen, who pur- 
sued them, and instructed him to follow and attack them with- 
out mercy. The skilful and indefatigable Fersen, so well ac- 
quitted himself of his commission, that the Polish army was 
thrown into the greatest disorder, and every day whole batta- 
lions and squadrons, separated from the main body, were 
surrounded and laid down their arras. And the Polish gene- 
rals at last perceiving their inability to make any longer re- 
sistance, resolved to accept the terms prescribed by Sou- 
varof; but before the courier dispatched by them could re- 
turn, their camp was invested by general Denisof, command- 
ing the cavalry of the army of Fersen. The Poles had now 
no choice but that of accepting or refusing their pardon. 
This did not change however the disposition of Souvarof 

with respect to them. He observed the terms first promised, 

Z 



178 THE LIFE OF 

and the whole of the Polish troops surrendered. Their arms 
were taken from them, and they themselves dispersed ; and 
on the 7th of November, 179*, Poland was entirely in the 
power of the Russians, without a single adversary or rival to 
dispute its possession. 

Such was the termination of one of the most remarkable 
campaigns mentioned in the annals of history. In the space 
of two months, an extensive country, a nation of more thau 
twelve millions of men, a nation armed and enthusiastic in the 
cause, fighting on its own soil and for its independence, was 
overcome by twenty-two thousand men, who seemed sudden- 
ly to be transformed into so many heroes. Nor was this na- 
tion subjugated only for a little time ; or the country occu- 
pied in a military view until treaties should decide its fate. 
But it was absolutely put under the yoke ; and henceforward 
must recognize the same laws and the same sovereign. Cer- 
tainly it was not to their numbers that the conquerors owed 
their advantages. It was not because they had the power to 
invade and inundate the territory of their enemies, to over- 
power them with the weight of their immense forces, that 
they conquered. All must be ascribed in this transaction, to 
the genius alone of him who conducted the enterprizc. Un- 
aided by circumstances, he alone did every thing. Intimate- 
ly acquainted with men and circumstances, he seized with a 
master's eye the only method of making circumstances and 
men co-operate to the success of his plans. He, having con- 
ceived his plan, executed it with more celerity than the 
historian can explain it. By the rapidity and skill of his 
marches, the justness and precision of his movements, the au- 
dacity of his attack, he surprised his enemies, gave them no 
time to recover from defeat, and was always victorious. It 
was he who infused into his soldiery a spirit and courage al- 
most more than human ; and which, while it produced among 
them union and vigour, scattered terror, confusion, and dis- 
may among their enemies. It was he whose magnanimity, 



SOUVAROF. 179 

justice, and clemency, made the vanquished look to him after 
the victory with as much confidence as they had dreaded him 
before it. It was lie, in fine, who in all these respects, lias 
rendered himself worthy of the appellation of great, which 
the justice of his own age and of posterity, should accord to 
his memory. 

And yet this is the man who has been calumniated and re- 
presented as a mere barbarian, as an Attila, whose only skill 
was in slaughtering men and shedding blood ; and it is in par- 
ticular from his campaign in Poland, that they have presum- 
ed to justify this lying portrait. Such has been the falsity of 
the relations and accounts, that many persons throughout 
Europe have believed, and perhaps still do believe, that Sou* 
varof vanquished at Praga only a tumultuous assemblage of 
the populace, whom he was delighted to have massacred be- 
fore his eyes. Doubtless many persons would have stayed 
his arm at the moment of this assault : and they had their rea- 
sons for it. But as to Souvarof ; how dare they contest his 
reasons for having done what he did ? How ! a general who 
was accountable for his conduct to his sovereign, to his coun- 
try, to his army, and to his own reputation, should then have 
left unavenged the death of his companions in arms, base!} 
massacred ! He should have given time for the mad and fa- 
natic Poles to have grown strong and formidable, that they 
might pour out their rage upon the neighbouring countries, 
and even upon Russia herself! He should have been gentle 
with the revolutionary committee, and permitted it, w itli the 
hope of impunity, to have put to death all their Russian pri- 
soners ! He should have prolonged the war, to exhaust the 
armies and treasures of his sovereign ; and for the sake of 
sparing a lew unfortunates, (whose death is no doubt deeply 
to be lamented, but was the necessary consequence of the tu- 
mult and fury of an assault,) he should have doomed to perish 
in the war and bloodshed which would have ensued, perils 
fifty thousand Russians and an hundred thousand Pol-. 



ISO THE LIFE OF 

flower of their nation, and who on the return of good order, 
became so useful to their country. If we helieve these de- 
tractors of genius, it is evident that Souvarof erred as a sub- 
ject, as a captain, as a man. But fortunately the motives of 
those who hold this language will he appreciated hy posterity ; 
What do I say ? they are already understood and pitied in our 
own generation ; and Souvarof better known, is already 
avenged in public opinion. 

But if in some countries and by certain individuals, the 
conduct of Souvarof at this epocha was condemned, elsewhere 
it excited a lively admiration, and among the Russians an 
enthusiasm proportioned to the glory which was reflected 
upon themselves from the exploits of their general. Catha- 
rine who knew how to distribute reward with so much grace 
and majesty, wrote thus to Souvarof: " I have no longer 
reason to fear, that in your case, I might be guilty of injus- 
tice or neglect; for it is not I, but you, who have just now 
created Souvarof field-marshal in Poland." He received 
also from the empress a present of a domain of six thousand 
peasants, in the district of Kobrin, the theatre of the first 
battle which he gained in the commencement of the cam- 
paign. From the king of Prussia he received the order of 
the Red andBlack Eagle, and the emperor of Germany sent 
him his portrait set round with valuable diamonds. 

It was not only as a pledge of esteem and regard, that 
these two sovereigns conferred on Souvarof these marks of 
favour ; it was also a testimonial of their gratitude. Both 
had an interest in the conquest which Souvarof had made of 
Poland, since botli were to profit by it. By a wise policy, 
Catharine united with her, two powerful neighbours, who 
could have shaken and destroyed her schemes, but who were 
now interested in maintaining them. It was on the part of 
the empress of Russia a calculation of policy, foresight and 



SOUVAROF. isl 

gmefpsity ; for if guided hy other sentiments, slic had wished 
to preserve Poland to herself alone, neither Prussia, who 
with difficulty reduced her revolted provinces to obedience, 
nor Austria, who had need of all her forces to continue the 
War with France, would have entered into a war with Russia 
to prevent her keeping possession of a country already occu- 
pied completely by her troops. Catharine, tree in her munifi- 
cence, would shew it to its full extent. In giving to Prussia, 
as far as the boundary of the Vistula, and to Austria, Galli- 
cia, the Palatinate of Cracow, with its rich mountains, she 
actually divided between those two powers the valuable and 
productive part of Poland. For herself she received pro- 
vinces which were fertile, but which needed a population of 
double the amount, and to be cultivated and nourished with 
(are for many years to arrive at their full value. Neverthe- 
less this central division of Poland is a nursery for soldiers. 
It opens to Russia an easy and superb route to Moldavia and 
the Ottoman empire, and protects her new acquisitions along 
the banks of the Dniester. 

The philosopher who is not satisfied with the consideration 
of a detached, isolated fact ; who suspends his judgment 
until ascending to first causes he examines the series and 
succession of events, will perceive in the partition and politi- 
cal annihilation of Poland, from its origin down to its iinal 
completion, the dangers attending a first great fault ; the con- 
sequences of which, like those of the first deviation from the 
path of honor and virtue, cannot be foreseen. If the furious 
and factious spirit of the Poles, the excesses of which they 
were guilty, and their revolutionary committee, were suffi- 
cient to provoke the severity of the neighbouring powers, and 
rendered necessary and justifiable (as far as such a measure 
canbejustified) the partition of Poland; it is at least certain, 
that by abstaining from fomenting factions and internal trou- 
bles among them, by abstaining from inflaming and rousing 
their passions by erery species of insult, this people would 



182 THE LIFE OF 

never have been driven to those extremities which made them 
dangerous $ nor would any agitations or troubles of their own 
ever have produced inquietude or been the cause of mischief to 
others* And in this state of things, (that is supposing that 
Poland had given rise to no uneasiness and apprehensions on 
the part of the surrounding governments) the preservation of 
her integrity and neutral existence, was an object of impor- 
tance as respected their relative situation with each other. In 
fact, however Prussia might think it necessary J;o extend her 
territory, her true policy was to seek it on the side of the 
North Sea and towards the Rhine, and by no means on the 
Vistula ; for she could oidy lose by being brought into contact 
with Russia. The territories of Austria are sufficiently 
extensive \ her system of aggrandizement should neither be 
directed towards Poland, where there is nothing to add to her 
riches ; nor on the side of Germany, where a formidable rival 
is presented immediately in Prussia, and more remotely in 
France ; nor on the side of Wallachia, where Russia is her 
opponent. Her true policy is, to extend her comme rce, and to 
derive advantages by her industry, from the immense staple 
productions of the country. She wants outlets, coasts and 
harbours. Belgrade is her proper rampart and bulwark ; 
and it is between this city, Moravia, and the borders of the 
Adriatic, that she should seek to extend the line of her pos- 
sessions. Russia herself had no need of Poland to enable 
her to pursue her designs upon the Ottoman empire. Russia 
had become so powerful that Poland, weak and enfeebled, 
could never dare to refuse her alliance ; and would have 
opened to Russian troops a military road, afforded provisions 
and given even liberty and facility to recruit her armies. It 
was much more to the advantage of Russia, to extract these ser- 
vices from Poland at the expence of Poland, than to be her- 
self at the expence of exacting and compelling the perform- 
ance of them ; and in the mean time, she neither aggran- 
dized Prussia nor Austria, nor acquired them for jealous and 
watchful neighbours. When any nation, even the most weak 



SOUVAROF. 1*3 

and feeble is forcibly deprive*! ofits independence, the seeds of 
hatred and rankling desire of vengeance are sown, which* 
crowd of circumstances may call into action and render fatal 
to the nation thus abusing its power. In the actual state of 
things it would he difficult to determine how far Poland may 
avenge herself on Russia at some future time, for the yoke 
which is now imposed upon her. But this much is certain, that 
Russia has weakened and exposed herself on that side. It 
would he more easy at the present time, to enter into Poland, 
and with the willing assistance of the Poles, to penetrate direct- 
ly into Russia, than it would formerly have been to force a way 
through all the obstacles which the ancient government of 
Poland was interested in opposing to such an invasion. 

These reflections which Souvarof would have developed 
better than we, had it been within his province to do so, did 
not concern him in the position in which he actually stood. He 
had fulfilled his duty ; and he had fulfilled it to its extent 
with such eclat, success and loyalty, as merited for him the 
admiration of the world and even of the vanquished them- 
selves. He was now at the height of his glory. He was the 
greatest general of his time, and one of the greatest of the 
age in which lie lived. He had placed his country in a formi- 
dable attitude with regard to the rest of Europe, i Through 
his victories, the reputation of the Russian armies shone 
with a lustre, which eclipsed the memory of their former 
trophies. The victories of Roumanzof and Potemkin, and 
even the former triumphs of Souvarof himself, eminent as 
they were, yet bear no comparison to this plan, conceived 
witli a force, an union and adaptation in all its details, which 
the present age has had an opportunity to admire, only in 
some of the operations of Frederick. The illustrious general 
could then repose tranquilly upon his laurels ; since it was 
notowingin any manner to him, that his government, mistak- 
ing tiie true interests of its policy, had been led into specula- 
tions and measures winch eventually may prove injurious and 
destructive. 



IS* THE LIFE OF 

The marshal Souvarof, during the year that he remained 
at Warsaw, at least exerted all his abilities to retard the arri- 
val of such a period, to give tranquility to Poland, to obliterate 
the remembrance of their ancient political existence, and to 
attach them if possible to a state of things less brilliant, but 
more secure and easy than they could have anticipated from a 
foreign yoke. And he succeeded, as far as appearances can 
prove it ; for since that time Poland has been perfectly tran- 
quil. Perhaps the example of the other nations of Europe, 
who if they can once recover peace and tranquility, will enjoy 
its blessings with delight, will engage the Poles long to perse- 
vere in their actual calm. 

The king Stanislaus Augustus, in the beginning of the year 
1795, had left Warsaw with his court and repaired to Grodno ; 
but the vacancy was soon filled by the officers of rank, and 
strangers of distinction whom marshal Souvarof attracted to 
Warsaw. 

Towards the end of the year, after having made a general 
inspection of all the troops under his orders, and established 
them in the best positions for the defence and security of 
Poland, Souvarof set out for St. Petersburg whither the 
empress had summoned him. He had requested that no 
honours should be shewn to him on the road ; but the news of 
his arrival drew about him crowds of the inhabitants of all 
the provinces through which he passed. All hastened to sec 
and pay their homage to him. 

He arrived in the beginning of December at Petersburg, in 
a carriage which the empress had sent forward to meet him. 
He alighted at the winter palace, and threw himself at the 
feet of his sovereign, who lavished upon him every mark of 
esteem and good will. She made him inhabit the Tauride 



souvarof. m 

palace, and placed servants from her own household in 
attendance upon him.* 

After some time spent in the capital, where he shared the 
attention and regard of the puhlic, even with the empress her- 
self, the marshal was nominated to the government of the 
same provinces, from which he had been taken to effect the 
reduction of Poland. In consideration of his new dignity of 
field-marshal, he had also a more extensive tract of country, 
and a greater hody of troops under him. Always mindful of 
the importance of his functions, and the obligations they 
imposed upon him, Souvarof, who in age as well as in youth, 
knew no enjoyment more precious than that of fulfilling his 
duties, set out in the month of May for his command, and 
fifteen days after his arrival, commenced through the army a 
series of manoeuvres and mock campaigns, which continued 
through all the summer and part of the autumn. 

In the mean time, the war of the French revolution, far 
from resulting as the powers of Europe had at first promised 
themselves, had on the contrary, augmented the force of 
France ; and success after success on their part, and fault up- 
on fault on the part of their enemies had carried them by 
degrees to the gates of Vienna. This war fixed the attention 
of all Europe, and began to excite a lively apprehension in 
Russia, who saw the storm approaching herself. For some 
time Souvarof had not ceased to say and to write to Catha- 
rine, " Lady and Mother,! let me march against the French." 

* We were present at Petersburg at the time of the arrival of Souvarof in 
that city, in the monlh of December, 1795 ; and it was with great satisfaction 
we then enjoyed the sight of this great man. He was, for some time, the sub- 
ject of all conversations, and the object of universal attraction. 

f Matouchka soudarina; an expression among the Russians of the highest 
respect, when applied to a female of high rank, and particularly to their 
empres5. 

\ a 



186 THE LIFE OF 

This cry was not the delenda est Carthago of the fierce and 
unrelenting Cato. Souvarof would not destroy France, but 
that hydra to which she had given birth, and which after 
having devoured her, would proceed to glut its ferocious and 
devastating cravings upon Europe. The sentiment of Sou- 
varof was that of Hannibal, swearing in the name of the 
gods, in the name of humanity and virtue, to be the enemy 
of the Romans, so long as the Romans should continue to be 
the disturbers of the peace, and repose of all nations. He 
felt perhaps, that he was more than any other man in Europe, 
alone fitted to contend against the ascendancy of the revoluti- 
onary French ; because he, more than any other, had studied 
man in a state of revolution compared with a state of poli- 
tical calm. C atharine yielding in fine, more to necessity than 
to the pressing instances of her general, hadjust given Souva- 
rof the order to march with the whole of the army he com- 
manded, to the aid of the emperor of Germany, menaced 
in his very capital, when heaven, arresting this princess in 
the new career of glory now opening upon her, suddeniv cut 
short the thread of her days. 

Her successor, newly seated on a throne, the possession 
of which had been doubtful, although he was the legi- 
timate heir, thought it prudent to encourage peace in 
the commencement of his reign. He stopped the march 
of Souvarof, who was already hastening on. The war- 
rior with grief returned his sword to its scabbard. He 
did not then foresee that he should soon draw it forth 
again ; but that the moment of happiness would be preceded 
by many pangs. Souvarof, doubtless, could not foresee 
that suspicion would attach itself to his opinions, his talents, 
and his virtues; and that like another Scipio, he should 
be obliged io justify himself, even for his victories. 



SOUVAROh. 187 



CHAPTER VI. 

Death of the empress Catharine II.— > Elevation of Paul L to tie 
throne of Russia — Disgrace of Souvarqf- — Coalition of Russia, 
England, and Austria, against France — Souvarqf is appointed 
commander in chief of the grand combined army — History of 
the campaign of 1799 in Italy and Switzerland, from its com- 
mencement until the return of the Russian troops to tAeir own 
country, at the end of the year. 

WHEN great and remarkable events ocedr, they fix and 
arrest our attention in proportion as thej are extraordinary 
and unexpected. On the 6th of November, 1796, Peters- 
burgh, Russia, and Europe, were far from expecting the 
event that was preparing so sooa to astonish them. On tnat 
day the empress Catharine, zifterasound night's rest, break- 
fasted with unusual cheerfulness, and having complained of 
no pain, nor manifested any symptom of sickness, was found 
in her cabinet by her women, in a state of complete insensi- 
bility, at June in the morning. 

The attending physician being summoned immediately, de- 
clared that the swoon or fit was occasioned by an attack of 
apoplexy. Every medical aid was lavished in vain ; and 
in the course of the following night, this princess expired, 
without having articulated a word from the time of the first 
attack. 

Thus disappeared in an instant, from among the number 
of the living, the most powerful sovereign in the world, and 
the greatest and most illustrious female that ever sat upon a 
throne. 

She was the greatest and most illustrious female that ever 



18S THE LIFE OF 

reigned; nor do we except from the number, the fabled 
S emir a mis, who only ravaged and desolated the earth and 
knew not how to govern it ; nor Marguerite, nor Elizabeth, 
nor Maria Theresa, who governed their states with glory, 
but not with that great superiority, which characterises pre- 
eminent genius. 

Catharine the Second played in the world the part of a 
great man. She gave to her people h vigorous impulse 
towards improvement ; she made them feared, respected, ad- 
mired, aiid elevated them to the first rank among nations ; — 
she did, in a word, for Russia what the greatest kings have done 
for their people ; what Charles the Fifth did for Spain ; Louis 
the Fourteenth, for France $ and Frederick the Second, for 
Prussia. This it is which distinguishes Ca%irine from other 
illustrious females wh» have borne a crown. The reign of 
Catharine will be noted i* Russia as the reigns of the mon- 
archs we have cited are marked in their respective kingdoms, 
and will form, as they have do*\e, a memorable epocha in 
history. 

With Catharine, expired royalty in Euvope, considered 
as to the respect it should excite, and the effect it should pro- 
duce on the opinions of men. After her death, the crowns of 
Europe placed on heads, weak, feeble, and ignorant of the 
supreme dignity of their station, presented no longer that im- 
posing appearance of majesty, awful to the enemies of social 
order, which was so strongly stamped on the august head of 
Catharine. 

The effect which her death produced in Russia and through- 
out Europe, sufficiently indicates the melancholy conse- 
quences which might have been apprehended from it, and how 
much it was to be regretted that a hand so steady and skillful 
was taken away from the guidance of the helm of affairs, in 
the ruinous and perilous crisis into which they had fallen.* 

* We resided in Petersburg at the time of the death of this empress, and 



SOUVAROF. 189 

Nor had the great society of Europe ever presented the 
ipectacle of a similar disorder and confusion. All the princi- 
ples of public right were forgotten, and solemn treaties des- 
pised ; commerce had no security; the arts no longer a refuge; 
the public fortune no stability ; the moral ties which united 
nations together were attacked and sapped at the roots, and 
the political union of which they are the base, for want of 
sustenance was fast falling into decay. A powerful people 
who hitherto had boasted to be one of the great columns of so- 
cial order in Europe, shook to its base by a spontaneous con- 
cession, now menaced the whole edifice with destruction ; and 
the other supporters of this edifice, insecure in their position, 
and tottering from that very insecurity, unsupporting and 
unsupported by the rest, opposed but a very feeble resistance 
to the formidabl#torrent which threatened every moment to 
sweep them away altogether. 

Nevertheless one column was still proudly erect, and in an 
undaunted attitude appeared like the rock which bids defiance 
to tempests. 

Russia, yet new among the powers of Europe, had not 
awaited the gradual completion of the years of her maturity 
to distinguish herself. The sovereign who governed, know r - 
ing the resources of her empire and the character of her peo- 

the extraordinary sensation which we witnessed at the news of this event, and 
which was visible on every countenance, will never be obliterated from our 
recollection. People regarded each other with anxiety, and scarcely dared 
to interrogate ; thought, which wandered into the prospects of the future, in- 
terrupted speech. The enemies even of this princess evinced as much anxie- 
ty as her friends ; they felt that she could not be replaced, and this considera- 
tion gave rise to painful reflections. It was not only a sovereign whom they 
lamented, but a sovereign peculiarly necessary for the times. All minds 
anxiously enquired, What will be its consequences, to us individually, to us 
Generally ? The uncertainty which prevailed for many hours with respect to 
the death of this princess, added still more to the general agitation and con 
fusion. 



19U THE LIFE OF 

pie, had called both into action with the promptitude of a ma- 
gician. She had thrown forward the boundaries of her em- 
pire and had fixed them upon the borders of seas some thou- 
sand leagues distant ; out in the heart of this immense extent* 
her genius had created a military force which united all its 
parts, and at the extremities, a maritime power which de- 
fended its approach. The Russian army had trebled in the 
number of regular troops since the death of Elizabeth ; but it 
had more than trebled in the excellence of its organization, in 
its discipline and fitness for war. This army, become now as 
light and skilful as it before was heavy and rude, was perfect- 
ly adapted to the vast extent of territory which it had to pro- 
tect, and the no less extensive system of conquest which its 
government had already projected. The marine of Russia, 
which was scarcely the sixth in Europe at tfte commencement 
of Catharine's reign, acknowledged at its termination no su- 
perior but that of England. Commerce, from the numerous 
channels that had been opened, the protection of the sovereign 
always carefully extended to it, and the spirit of activity in- 
troduced among the people, had greatly increased. The arts 
and sciences had made rapid progress from the same causes. 
Agriculture was improving, and population increased by co- 
lonies from abroad, and by wandering hordes which were 
settled in villages built for them. Ports were formed, and 
canals and roads made which established a safe and easy com- 
munication from the coasts of the Baltic to China, from the 
frozen regions of the White Sea to the sultry shores of the 
Black Sea. In fine, Russia inaccessible and flourishing with- 
in, feared and respected abroad, was the preponderating 
power of Europe, was the hope and support of its tottering 
thrones, and the polar star anxiously sought for by the nations 
menaced with destruction, at the time when Catharine, who 
had elevated her to this high and brilliant station, terminated 
her glorious career. Is it then to be wondered at, that her 
death excited such general regret and dismay, since on her 
life depended the safety and security of millions. 



SOUVAUOF. 19i 

The grand duke Paul, her son, a prince who was hardly 
dealt with in the fortune which caused him for forty years to 
lead a dull and dissatisfied life, within view of that grandeur 
the enjoyment of which he had constantly in perspective, 
upon the death of his mother, took the reins of government 
and ascended the throne under the name of Paul I. 

It had long been doubtful, whether this prince would ever 
iiome to the throne ; for it appears that his mother, who feared 
from his turn of mind the future destruction of the work she 
had so carefully reared, had been disposed to deprive him of 
the succession to the crown, and place it on the head of her 
grand-son. Paul had known of the project, and the eager- 
ness with which he seized the reins of power, proves the 
extent and vivacity of his fears. This prince was therefore, 
doubly exposed to the intoxication that is often the conse- 
quence of a sudden possession of supreme power. On him it 
had its full and complete effect. Banished from all concern 
in the affairs of government while he was grand duke, and 
not being allowed to occupy himself with any thing of impor- 
tance, he had received from his mother a present of three or 
four regiments to gratify his military propensity and furnish 
him with amusement. To distinguish these regiments more 
effectually from the rest of the army and prove more com- 
pletely his property in them, Paul took it into his head to 
prescribe a different system for the formation, dress and 
manoeuvres of these troops than that prescribed by Catharine 
for the Russian army ; and he'adoptcd the Prussian regula- 
tions. This whim had often furnished an object tor the plea- 
santries and ridicule of the courtiers. Paul knew it, and tiie 
first act of his power was to force them to adopt themselves 
the very changes which had so much excited their ridicule 
and raillery. He changed the uniform of the troops, and 
clothed them in German dresses: instead of the national cos- 
tume which they formerly wore, and which was perfectly 
adapted to their manners and habits. Tl : ^ firsl Iotwt ttion, 



192 THE LIFE OF 

the effect of caprice and childish revenge, was in reality, a 
blow which he himself struck at his own power, and which 
contributed to deprive him of the regard and love of his army, 
which in Russia more than any where else, is the force and 
power of the throne* 



We may conceive the effect which these changes would pro- 
duce on the mind of an old warrior, who, like Souvarof, was 
attached to the customs of his country, and who had had con- 
stant and repeated experience of the vast advantage derived 
from leading on and governing the Russians by means of this 
national spirit, instead of endeavouring to stifle and suppress 
it. The frankness of the old soldier and love of country, 
always the reigning sentiment, carried him beyond the reserve 
and discretion which he owed to the orders of his prince ; and 
he permitted himself to indulge in some pleasantries on the 
subject of these changes in the uniform of the troops. The 
Russians wore the hair cropped short in the manner of the 
peasantry, which was economical, and at the same time proper 
and convenient for soldiers. Paul ordered them to wear 
queues and buckles in the Prussian fashion, and their hair 
powdered. He did not perceive that Frederick the Second, 



* We must add, that it is particularly in Russia that these innovations on 
established usages and customs are injurious and dangerous. With all nations 
it is a dangerous experiment; with the Russians a formidable evil. Neverthe- 
less Paul fully proved what despotism sustained by a well organized police is 
able to effect ; while it shewed at the same time the selfishness and submission 
of mind resulting from greater civilization. Paul was not contented with 
changing the uniform of his soldiers, but he changed also the dress of private 
individuals, and even of strangers, and subjected them not only in respect to 
dress, but in many other respects to a thousand practices and observances as 
idle as they were ridiculous. To shave off one beard gave more trouble and 
difficulty to the terrible Peter the Great, than it did to Paul to g ive the step 
wnd carriage of a Prussian corporal to every beau and gentleman hi his em- 
pire. 



SOUVAROF. 193 

whom he took for his model, had given to Ins army a costume 
which harmonized with the military system and the discipline 
he had introduced) as well as with the general character and 
habits of the Prussians ; that this costume was his own also, 
and that this great man did not propose himself for a model 
until he had acquired the right to do so from an hundred vic- 
tories. Paul did not-perccive that in these respects, as indeed 
in every thing 1 , Frederick proved himself a creator and 
founder, and so far from even weakening the national spirit 
he fortified and confirmed it hy affixing it even to the di 
and appearance of individuals. Paul was a mere imitator ; 
and that the manner of wearing the hair might he simitar, he 
had small wooden truncheons or forms made, to serve as mo- 
dels for the hair heckles and queues of the soldiers, and lie sent 
a supply of these to the generals commanding the different 
corps of the army. The surprize of Souvarof on opening 
tins packet may easily he imagined ! He had not been accus- 
tomed to receive such, dispatches from Catharine, nor was the 
employment of a hair-dresser that which she charged him to 
exercise with her troops. " Hair -powder," said the sarcastic 
marshal, on reading the regulation — " Hair-powder is not 
" gun-powder, hair-buckles xv ill not do for cannon, nor queues 
"for bayonets." These words of the general passed to the 
army and were immediately repeated from one to another to 
the great amusement of the soldiers, who added new ridicule 
and pleasantries to those of their general. The emperor was 
highly incensed at this ; and eagerly embraced the opportu- 
nity to deprive Souvarof of his command and compel him to 
retiie. But this was in reality only the pretext, for, in fact. 
Paul constantly testified his dislike to Souvarof ; a prejudice 
which arose from the perfect devotion to the party and interests 
of his mother, which he knew Souvarof entertained, and the 
sent and support Souvarof had given to the views, projects, 
and innovations of Potemkin, whom, above all others, Paul 
detested and abhorred* 

B b 



19* THE LIFE OF 

Souvarof wished himself to communicate to his army the 
order which deprived him of the command. He drew them 
out and ranged them in order of battle. In front of the line 
was erected a pyramid of drums and musical instruments 
piled on each other. The marshal then appearing in full 
uniform, decorated with all his orders, placed himself at the 
side of this military trophy, and in a short speech addressed 
and took leave of his companions in arms. " Comrades," said 
he, " I quit you, probably for a long time, perhaps for ever, 
46 after having passed fifty years in the midst of you, without 
" ever leaving you, but for a few moments. Your father who 
** ate, drank, and slept among you, must now eat and drink 
" separated from his children, and thinking on them for his 
" only consolation. Such is the will of our common father, 
" of our emperor and master. Still I hope that he will one 
" day relent and have compassion on my old age. Then, 
44 when Souvarof shall re-appear among you, he will resume 
" these spoils which he now leaves as a pledge of his friend- 
M ship, and an appeal to you not to forget him. Remember 
" that he wore them in battle in the victories which he gained 
44 at your head." 

At these words, the general took off the decorations of the 
different orders and the military insignia of his command, and 
deposed them on the top of the pyramid in the form of a 
trophy. 

Immediately after this farewell which the soldiers received 
with murmufs of grief and indignation, Souvarof quitted his 
army and retired to his house at Moscow. But he soon 
received an order to leave that capital, where the ceremony of 
the coronation of Paul was to be performed. A police officer 
entered the habitation of the old warrior, and presented him 
the order which exiled him to a remote part of the country. 
Souvarof, who knew the minute details into which the emperor 
often entered in issuing orders of this nature, enquired wha' 



SOUVAROF. 195 

time was allowed him to muke his arrangements j the officer 
replied^ "jour hours." " Oht that is too indulgent" said tin 
marshal, "one hour is sufficient for Souvarof. 9 * He immedi- 
ately put his gold and jewels in a casket and descended to the 
door, where a travelling carriage was attending, u Souvarof 
" going into banishment,'* said he " does not require a carriage; 
" he can use the same equipage which conveyed him to 
H the court of Catharine, and carried htm to head her armies. — 
H Bring me a kibitka.' 9 * It was found necessary to do as he 
desired. And it was thus at the age of sixty-eight years, 
that the robust and active warrior made the journey of two 
hundred leagues with the guardVho accompanied him at his 
side, in the common rude vehicle of a peasant ; for he 
expressly ordered, that none other should be brought him. 

Arrived at the place of his exile, the marshal remained 
under the inspection of police officers, without being permitted 
to see or correspond with any one. This seclusion, painful 
as it was, neither shook his firmness or induced him to make 
the voluntary submissions which perhaps were expected by 
Paul. But he knew very little of the character of Souvarof 
if he expected to induce him to implore the pardon which he 
was soon obliged freely to grant ; for fortune, as if irritated 
at the persecution of so great a man, was already preparing 
an exalted revenge worthy of him. 

For four years the safety of all the states of Europe had 

* The hibkka is in the form of a bathing-tub or cradle, covered over, in 
which the person liee down at full length. It is very much used in Russia ft om 
the peasants, who> from the distance of two or thi ee hundred leagues, ti ansport 
during the winter provisions and game to their lords and proprietors living 
in Petersburg or Moscow, to the nobles themselves, who, when they make a 
rapid and distant journey, employ these vehicles, which may be made 
extremely convenient and comfortable. In the summer season the kibitka is 
mounted on two small wheels; in winter, upon sliders or runners, as a sled . 
aud the person within lies down, and wraps himself in covering as in abed. 



196 THE LIFE OF 

been endangered. On all sides the French had passed beyond 
their old limits ; and Europe was to submit to their yoke or 
experience a total revolution, by their means. The plan of 
the campaign of '96 had been formed ; the mt>st formidable 
scheme ever devised against the liberty of Europe, and exe- 
cuted by Frenchmen, whose natural courage was exalted by 
the cffervoscenec of the revolution , its success appeared indu- 
bitable. The military position of France was fearful ; 
Italy already subject, and Germany open to her, and 
and in both countries, but especially the latter, the partizans 
of the French revolution were numerous and violent. Aus- 
stria was weakened in her military force, exhausted in her 
finances, and unsteady in her policy. The different countries 
which composed her government, agitated by the spirit of 
innovation and licentious reform, which ran through Europe, 
Were disposed to separate and form distinct and independent 
states. Prussia remained in an unaccountable lethargy. 
The Poles, just subjected to a foreign dominion, badly organ- 
ized as yet, were ready to seize with avidity, an opportunity 
to throw off the yoke of their conquerors. Russia, in case of 
an approach to her frontiers incurred the only danger to 
which she is subject from the attempts of foreign powers ; 
that of having introduced among her peasantry the spirit of 
insurrection and the desire of liberty. England, occupied 
with herself alone, could not be the regulator of the continent, 
with regard to which, her views and plans were continually 
changing. If in this conjunction, three formidable French 
armies, setting out, one from the sources of the Danube, and 
marching directly onwards ; another from the banks of the 
Mouse, and marching obliquely to the right; and the third* 
inclining from the banks of the Po to the left, succeeded in 
forming a junction in Austria, the point of the angle described 
by their lines of inarch ; — the destruction was ensured of this 
ancient monarchy, which by its position is the key-stone of 
the political arch of Europe. This monarchy once broken up, 
with her the face of Europe would change. Poland would 
be liberated ; and three hundred thousand Poles uniting under 



SOUVAROF. 197 

the protection of one hundred thousand Frenchmen', would 
carry war, carnage and desolation into Russia. Prussia, 
attacked from the rear, and hemmed in, would not be able 
to resist for two months. Of the rest, it is scarcely worth 
while to speak. Never were circumstances so favourable to 
the innovators who had sworn to re-mould the social system 
of Europe. The excesses of the French in Germany, and 
the phlegmatic boldness of a young and sage warrior, saved 
Europe, and warded off, perhaps for ever, the revolution 
which was meditated.* Had the French army of the Sambre 
and the Meuse been less licentious and disorderly in its con- 
duct, and had it not raised against itself the mass of the popu- 
lation of Germany, it would have realized in that country 
all the projects it had conceived ; for all those who 
resided in Germany at that epoch, can testify how much 
the opinion of a vast proportion of its inhabitants was 
favourably disposed towards a change. Or if, on the other 
hand, the arch duke Charles had not possessed as much pru- 
dence, caution and presence of mind, or, carried away by 
martial ardour, had rashly opposed in the first instance, the 
entry of the two formidable French columns into Germany ; 
it is probable, that although victorious in some combats, yet 
he could not have withstood the repeated battles which his 
enemies were in a situation to offer ; that he would have been 
forced to leave them a free passage, and those means, which 
his prudent retreat secured, and which enabled him to resume 
the offensive when united to those he possessed already, 
would not have sufficed to stay the progress of an enemy, 

* The spreading of the French in Europe, which commenced in 17 
has quieted the minds of the people of other countries, with respect to the 
favourable sentiments entertained of the revolution of France, and the d< 
they had to imitate it ; and the progress of the spirit of innovation and change, 
has been in an inverse proportion tothe conquests of I'icse disciple; of libeity 
and political reform. Every unprejudiced observer remarks, that the at*, 
ment of nations to their sovereigns, their ancient constitutions, and establish^ 
ed u- i;;cs, has been much stronger .since thp yeai I T94>, than it iou? 

to that time. 



19S THE LIFE OF 

who by the concentration of his forces, became more powerful 
as he advanced. 

This same plan was resumed in 1797, and the power of 
France enabled her then to pursue the same schemes with 
perseverance, and to gain by force alone that which the con- 
currence of many circumstances had before flattered her 
with the hope of obtaining. It was then that the empress 
Catharine had determined to send forward Souvarof 
at the head of eighty thousand men to the relief of the em- 
peror of Germany, menaced and endangered in his very ca- 
pital. But in the midst of these arrangements the empress 
expired, and her successor Paul stopped the march of the 
Russian troops. Nevertheless the emperor of Germany 
found means, by making great concessions, to enter into an 
accommodation with France. Preliminaries were already 
signed which appointed a congress to assemble for the con- 
clusion of a definitive peace. But whether in the interval 
which elapsed, France had leisure to repent that she had let 
slip a favourable opportunity of crushing Austria, — or whe- 
ther Austria felt some regret for the numerous cessions she 
had made, — or (which is more probable) that both these mo- 
tives acted upon the minds of the respective negociators, — it 
is at least certain that they assembled at the place appointed 
for the congress with very little desire for a pacification. 
The opening of the negociations was only a delay which each 
one took advantage of, to renew hostilities with more vigour 
than before. England, who never ceased to incite Austria to 
the war, and made large promises of money for it, decided 
her at once by assuring to her the aid of Russia. She had en- 
gaged to take into pay an army of one hundred thousand 
Russians, who, divided, in two columns, one marching in- 
to Italy and the other on the Rhine, would lend a powerful as- 
sistance to the efForts of Austria against France.* The pri- 

* This second coalition of a part of the powers of Europe against France 



SOUVAROF. 199 

vale sentiments of Paul the First had as much influenced his 
decision on this subject, as the address of the English nego- 
tiators. This prince, whose interest as a sovereign gave 

as well as that which had recently terminated in the treaty of Campo Formio, 
was the work of the celebrated Pitt. In the power and fruitfulness of his 
genius, and profound knowledge of man and his secret springs of action, Pitt 
was one o!' the most extraordinary men that have ever appealed. Nor was 
he less remarkable for the knowledge he possessed of the affairs of politics, of 
finance, of administration, oi commerce, of the situation ofaifferent states of 
Europe, and of that of England, and of its resources, and true inteiests. Hi 
was still move remarkable for his disinterested patriotism; — and above all, for 
his transcendent eloquence. 

With such a rare assemblage of eminent qualities, how is it that Pitt wanted 
a just and true conception of that great event, the revolution of France r 
How did he, who managed at his pleasure all the cabinets of Europe, suffer 
them to escape so easily from the bonds in which he united them ? Why, 
having armed all Europe against France, did he not succeed in vanquishing 
her? — And why, instead of being vanquished by Europe, has the latter 
been enabled to assume over the former an ascendancy as unexpected as it is 
vast, and which has mocked all calculation ? It is because the original first 
idea of Pitt of the French revolution, and the first opinion and system which 
he formed in consequence of that idea, were equally false. In the movement* 
which agitated France, he saw only one of those ordinary revolutions to 
which nations from time to time are subject ; and he thought only of profiting 
by it to raise up England at the expense of France, weakened and enfeebled by 
dissention. But the revolution of France is one of those great impulses given 
from time to time to the human race by a supreme and invisible hand, to con 
duct it to the great destiny it has assigned for it. This revolution is not of a 
nature peculiar to Fiance : she is distinguished in the great drama only as 
having entered first upon the stage. This revolution too must have a certain 
course, and produce certain results, which develop themselves slowly and in 
due time ; and all those who endeavour either in France or elsewhere, to fix, 
direct, or arrest it, or to draw from it such results as suit their own particular 
views, passions, or ambition, will be borne oil and destroyed by the torrent. 
This happened to Pitt, among other memorable examples. The true policy of 
(vise men, and especially those who govern or influence society, would be to 
endeavour to divine the designs of Providence on these great occasions, and 
gently to prepare men, and smooth the way for their accomplishment, and 
oppose resistance in fine, only'to prevent th< operation of violence and cor- 



200 THE LIFE OF 

him jnst views of it, detested the French revolution. But* 
here, it was not his interest alone which inspired this feeling ; 
it was the sentiment of honour and loyalty of which he boast- 
ed, and which was inherent in him. The proof of it is, that 
he possessed them in the same degree when only grand dnke, 
and when on the throne, and it was the only point on which he 
suffered himself to think in unison with his mother. 

As England had so great a share in the coalition, it was 
agreed that she should nominate a general to command the 
combined army. She selected Souvarof, and caused him to 
be demanded of the Russian court by Francis the Second. 
Paul could not refuse, since it was his general that was de- 
manded to head the Austrian grand army, which his Russians 
joined only as auxiliaries ; and in fact, it was in the capacity 
of field marshal in the service of Austria, that Souvarof was 
to conduct the war. On this condition Paul consented to per- 
mit him to serve ; but it is certain, that he would neither have 
selected him of his own accord, nor to command his own ar- 
my. Thus it was that the reputation of this great man res- 
cued him from the oblivion in which all the power of his sove- 
reign had in vain endeavoured to sink him; and fortune drew 
him forcibly from retirement and inaction, to exhibit him to 

ruption in the midst of a nation, or the interference of strangers. If from the 
beginning of this crisis in France the other governments of Europe, foresee- 
ing its tendency, had undertaken with wisdom the political and civil reforms 
which public opinion required, — and if the military efforts of these powers had 
been directed solely to keep the French within their proper limits, — the fanati- 
cism of the revolution, which was the froth arising from the effervescence of 
opinion, would have been dissipated on the spot, and these grand agitations 
been productive of general good. From the extent of his conceptions, the 
force of his genius, and the prodigious ascendancy which he possessed over 
his own nation, and over Europe, Pitt was particularly fitted to produce this 
effect so important to the happiness of the human race; if, banishing from 
his soul all prejudices and vulgar passions, he had been more zealously atlen- 
■> the duties of the man, and less so to those of tha Englishman. 



SOI \ UIOF. 201 

the eyes of the world on a new scene, and in a manner more 
glorious and brilliant {'or him than ever, 

Souvarof was at one of his houses in the country, where, 
to dissipate the profound disgust which political events and 

the actors who then bore a part in them caused, he amused 
himself in learning the ceremonies and chanting of the 
church service. He thought that the knowledge of these 
things would he sufficient for the part which he was condemn- 
ed to play in the world lor the rest of his life, and that he 
might forget every thing else. In this apathy, so little suit- 
ed to him, he received the letter hi which his own emperor in- 
formed him of the intentions of the emperor of Germany with 
regard to him, and his acquiescence in them. He laid the let- 
ter on his heart ;* touched his wounds with it in succession, 
crying out that it gave him new life : a sublime emotion ! and 
one which seems to prove, that the warrior saw in this cir- 
cumstance more than a simple occasion to acquire new tri- 
umphs. He was too accustomed to victory to suppose she 
would escape him. But the pleasure of succouring the un- 
happy and distressed ; the hope of calming the agitations of 
Europe and re-establishing order ; the power so dear to gen- 
erous hearts, of being useful to the world ; these were the 
sentiments that exalted his magnanimous soul and caused 
his transports of joy. 

Souvarof having replied to the emperor, that he accepted 

* This letter was in these terms :— " I have determined to send you into 
" Italy to succour his majesty the emperor and king my ally and brother. 
" Souvarof has no need of triumphs or laurels; but the country has need of 
'« Souvarof; and my desires are conformable to the wishes of Francis the Se- 
<c cond, who having confer red upon you the supreme command of his army, 
" requests you to accept that dignity. It depends then only upon Souvarof, 
** whether he will be given to the wishes of his country and the desires of 
1 Francis the Second. 

"(Signed) PAUL 1 M 

r r 



202 THE LIFE OF 

the honourable mission which he was pleased to confer upon 
him, made his preparation immediately to set out for Peters- 
burg, to receive the orders of his sovereign, and thence to 
Vienna, where he was to take his instructions from the mouth 
of Francis himself. He was very soon ready, but before he 
began to journey, he performed his devotions in all the form 
and ceremony used by the christians of the Greek church.* 
His stay at Petersburg was short, and though the emperor 
received him with much distinction, yet as it must have been 
embarrassing to both, they were both perhaps, willing to 
shorten the interview. But this was not the case at Vienna, 
where the emperor Francis the Second received Souvarof 
with all the marks of esteem and the most flattering distinc- 
tion. He immediately conferred upon him the rank of field- 
marshal, and assigned him a revenue of twenty -four thousand 
florins of Austria. Souvarof became immediately the sub- 
ject of conversation for all the circles of Vienna, and the 
object of eager curiosity to all the inhabitants of that great 
city.f The emperor gave him the entertainments most wor- 

* It was the minute ceremonies and multiplied observances of the Greek 
worship, and which Souvarof rigidly complied with, (because he knew how 
much mankind are governed by outward forms, and how necessary they 
are to give a just and true estimation of the foundation and reality of things) 
that gave rise to an opinion widely circulated that the religion of Souvarof was 
no more than a ridiculous superstition. These assertions which acquired 
some strength at the time when they were made, (a time when it was the 
fashion to turn into derision every religious practice and every appearance of 
devotion) do not now appear to merit from the historian a serious refutation. 

f We were present at Vienna during the stay of Souvarof, and had occa. 
sion to repeat an observation we had made before, during his visit to Peters- 
burg, that often the most popular and vulgar stories pass cuiTently among 
those who are far removed from the people, without being more dignified on 
that account or less worthy to be confined to the class of society to whom they 
are adapted. By constantly turning conversation on Souvarof, on his person, 
his sayings, his most trifling gestures, and his originality, they began by am. 
plifying facts ; then distorted them out of all proportion ; then forged and 
invented them altogether. But with all this, what we saw and considered 



SOUVAROF. 203 

thy of him, military reviews and manoeuvres. The counte- 
nance of Francis beamed the satisfaction he felt. He was 
never known to be more gay than when he had at bis side this 
famous general, the conqueror of so many nations, who 
became for the time his own subject, was preparing to cover 
his arms with immortal glory. This young emperor, worthy 
of a more propitious reign, and born for better times than 
those in which he was destined to live, appeared to feel all the 
value of the hero of the north ; and he received from the lat- 
ter, on his part, the most lively and constant marks of respect 
and attachment. He admired the appearance and equipment 
of the superb Austrian army, especially of the Hungarians, 
the handsomest men In the world ; and he contemplated in 
advance, the trophies he should raise, by means of these brave 
and faithful warriors. 

The marshal had many conferences with Francis the Second 
upon the campaign now about to open. It had been agreed 
that Italy should be the principal theatre of war ; and Souva- 
rof approved the arrangement. In fact, Austria possessed at 
that time the state of Venice and the Tyrol. She had a free 
passage into Italy, which she influenced and touched, as it 
were, by the centre of gravity, that is, by the strongest part 
of her possessions. She should, therefore, for the commence- 
ment of offensive operations prefer that country to the Rhine, 
where France presented to her an imposing front, and an in- 
superable barrier, in a line of strong fortresses. France, on 
tiie contrary, had her weakest side contiguous to Italy, and 
communicated with her by a long and oblique line, which was 

attentively, and as a striking phenomenon, was the joy, the confidence and 
hope which the presence of Souvarof inspired, from the most obscure indi- 
vidual to the greatest noble, from the soldier even to the generals in chief. 
It seemed as if the Austrian monarchy was animated with new life, and await- 
ed the highest destinies ; such is the influence of genius and noble character ! 
This, in truth was the kind of originality which distinguished Souvarof; but 
it is an originality rarely met with. 




SO* THE LIFE OF 

interrupted by the Alps. The occupation of Switzerland had 
not been productive of many advantages to the French ; for 
the passages from Switzerland into Italy are too difficult to 
serve as a habitual communication, and besides, Switzerland 
was not sufficiently brought under the yoke to offer to France 
the same resources as one of her own provinces. Moreover 
the French had committed the fault of expanding themselves 
very much in Italy, and were spread to the extremity of the 
peninsula with a number of troops very disproportioned to 
the great extent of country. To this disadvantage of position 
was joined that of the hatred of the inhabitants who support- 
ed the yoke with impatience, but dissembled in silence, await- 
ing an opportunity of joining an avenger when lie appeared- 
Lastly, Austria was closely allied with England, and all her 
operations could be powerfully supported by the maritime 
forces of that power in a country which presented so great an 
extent of coast as Italy. 

Souvarof perceived all these advantages, but satisfied with 
this general view, and persuaded, that when a military scheme 
appears practicable in the general outline, that it then depends 
upon the skilfulness of the general to take advantage of cir- 
cumstances and carry it into execution, he refused constantly 
to enter into explanations upon the details or the manner in 
which he intended to direct the operation. He refused posi- 
tively to communicate on this subject with the council of war 
formed at Vienna, to assist the ministers and direct the gene- 
rals ; and he even declined hearing the plans which this coun- 
cil had already projected. Souvarof knew that the best 
arranged plans of a campaign are exposed to heavy inconve- 
niences and objections, — in the first place, because they can 
never receive their complete execution, since it is quite impos- 
sible to calculate before-hand, the modifications which may 
become necessary from the resistance of the enemy, or his 
counter plans ; and, in the next place, because plans commit- 
ted to writing and thereby become the secret of many persons. 



SOUVAROF. iio;» 

will soon find their way to the enemy, who is thereby enabled 
to direct his operations with great advantage according to the 
knowledge he lias of the plans of liis adversary. For many 
years 1 , we may say indeed for the last century, Austria had 
paid clearly for this desire of foreseeing and pre-coneerting 
everj I Ing in writing, and of conducting their generals, .t 
children in leading strings, according to the plans pre-ar- 
ranged in the cabinet The only brilliant and decisive cam- 
paign which the Austrian armies have made Since the time of 
prince Eugene, is the campaign of 1799, in Italy. This 
should have opened the eyes of the court of Vienna, to the, 
great evils resulting from giving so much power and influ- 
ence to their councils of war. Nevertheless, it has not been 
corrected by experience, and a recent instance of the result of 
such obstinacy has been presented to the world.* 

After having invoked the divine assistance in the cathedral 
of Vienna in presence of an immense concourse of people, and 
having taken leave of the emperor, to whom he promised very 
soon to send tidings of victory, Souvarof, full of hope ami 
confidence, set out for Italy, and arrived at Verona, where 
were the head-quarters of the Austrian army, on the 14th of 
April, 1799. 

Nevertheless, the Austrians had commenced the campaign 
with great success— on the defensive in the first instance, they 
had by a series of victories now resumed the offensive. Faith- 
ful to their system of invasion which they had successfully 
practised since the revolutionary war commenced, the French 
without waiting for the end of winter to commence their ope- 
rations profitted by their position in the territory of Mantua, 
by which they commanded and cutoff Tuscany, to pour them- 
selves at once into that defenceless country. They regarded 

* The campaign of 180 1, which terminated by the unfortunate battle of 
Austerlitz, is here alluded to. In the campaign of 1809,thearch dukeCharlei 
had full powers as generalissimo, to act independently of thr Aulic council at 
Vienna. 



206 THE LIFE OF 

its easy conquest as an advantage, because it afforded some 
booty, without calculating that it was the concentration and 
not the extension of their forces which should secure to them 
the conquest and possession of Italy. The Austrians, more 
prudent, did what their enemies had neglected to do ; they 
concentrated themselves on the left bank of the Adige, behind 
Verona and Porto-Legnano, resolved to first await the arrival 
of the Russians before they advanced. 

But the impetuosity of the French gave a different com- 
plexion to the state of things. Believing that they marched 
to a certain victory over the Austrians, whose forces were far 
inferior to their own, they advanced under the command of 
general Scherer against the line of Austrian posts, which ex- 
tended from the Adige to the lake of Garda. The imperial 
troops were commanded by lieutenant general baron Krag. 
He defended himself with great courage, vigour, and presence 
of mind, and after alternate successes and reverses during a 
hard combat of fifteen hours, he maintained himself in all his 
posts ; giving the rare example of a position maintained 
against brave and audacious assailants, and superior in num- 
ber; an example dangerous in its effects upon Austrians, 
who are too prone to the system of fortifying and fighting in 
entrenchments, and who lose by this pernicious plan what 
constitutes the essence of war, motion and movement. 

The Austrians took no advantage of this success, and made 
very few alterations in their position, where they were soon 
attacked again by the French. They fought for Verona. 
The French manifested the greatest desire to possess them- 
selves of it ; while, on the other hand, it was of the highest 
importance to the Austrians to maintain themselves in it ; 
and they finally succeeded. The loss of the French in these 
two fruitless attacks was very great ; and dissatisfaction and 
want of confidence spread in their army ; they disliked their 
general in chief, and the general in chief was on bad terms 



SOUVAROF. 20r 

with the generals under liim. In this state of tilings, which 
renders a reverse ruinous, and makes it impracticable to re- 
pair a disaster, Scherer adopted the resolution to retreat and 
concentrated his troops on Mantua, behind the Adige. The 
Austrian general now advanced ; passed the Adige, encamp- 
ed before Verona, and perceiving that the situation of liis ar- 
my, compared with that of the enemy, enabled him to acton 
the offensive, he brought on a general action with him near 
Magnano. The result was a complete victory on the part of 
the Austrians. The immediate consequences were the invest- 
ment of Mantua, (which the French, obliged to retire on the 
Adda, abandoned to its own defence ;) the re-establishment of 
the communications between the Austrian army of Italy and 
that of the Tyrol ; the insurrection of the people of the north 
of Italy, who saw with joy, after a long absence, the stand- 
ards of their former sovereigns floating among them ; and the 
boldness and confidence which animated the Austrian army 
in proportion as it forsook that of their adversaries. It was 
in these prosperous circumstances that Souvarof took the com- 
mand of the imperial army, bringing with him a reinforce- 
ment of forty thousand men. 

These troops were the conquerors of the Turks and the 
Poles. They were the men who fought at Rymnisk, at Ocza- 
kof, at Ismail, and at Praga. The Russian army had been 
now long accustomed to victory. The officers were accustom- 
ed to war; the soldiers were veterans. Notwithstanding 
the pernicious innovations introduced by Paul the First, that 
prince had not yet had time to disorganize entirely his army. 
The same spirit remained with the individuals, and it was yet 
the best army in Europe. Souvarof was the greatest general 
in Europe ; and he came at the head of his forty thousand 
veterans, to unite them to fifty thousand combatants 
of an army completely organized, and which oidy 
wanted confidence in their determinations and their measures ; 
but this assurance, which it had entirely lost by a previous 



208 THE LIFE OF 

unfortunate war, it commenced again to acquire by a series of 
successes as unexpected as they were brilliant. Every thing 
united, therefore, to present the fairest occasion to Souvarof, 
and he was not a man who would fail to profit by it. 

As it happens always in war, from the effect of victories or 
defeats, the French had lost in the natural and moral strength 
of their army, all that the Austrians had gained ; but a num- 
ber of circumstances rendered their situation still more diiti- 
cult and precarious. The faction which then held the reigns 
of government rendered all the others dissatisfied, were it on- 
ly from the good fortune it had had in obtaining the supreme 
power. The nation, wearied with the agitations of faction, 
was still more discontented. Disorder and confusion prevail- 
ed, as might be expected, in every branch of the administra- 
tion. It was impossible for such a state of things not to affect 
the army 5 tiie recruiting for which met with every obstacle 
that a disgusted and discontented people could oppose, and the 
guidance of which was often committed by the government to 
very unworthy hands. Still, however, the army which could 
no longer combat from the inducement of patriotism, nor of 
love for its chiefs, and which from their weakness and recent 
defeats might justly fear that they could no longer combat 
even for glory, this army still fought from the impulse of two 
sentiments always powerful, dear to Frenchmen, natural 
bravery and national honour. These were more than suiiici- 
cnt to make the victory cost dear to those who vanquished 
them, and give it greater brilliancy and lustre. Souvarof, 
who could not desire too easy a victory, because he knew so 
well how to extort others, foresaw without anxiety, the resis- 
tance which would only increase his glory. The force and 
ardour of his genius redoubled as obstacles increased. 

The plan which he conceived, on arriving at Verona was 
worthy the characteristic boldness of his mind, while at the 
same time it was adapted to the knowledge he had of the cha- 



SOUVAROF. 209 

i-acter of the Austrians and Russians, the situation of the 
French, and of the scene of action. Italy, by its configur- 
ation is divided by nature, into two great divisions, of which 
one extending from West to East, backed and supported by a 
strong chain of mountains and a great part of the continent 
of Europe, borders on and separates, and naturally commands 
the other, which extends from north to south, girt around by 
the sea and isolated from other countries. The example of 
the Romans, who proceeding from south to north, conquered 
Italy, and proved in their time how powerful is civilization 
over barbarism, knowledge over ignorance, and order over 
confusion, cannot be admitted to disprove this natural order 
of things ; which seems to prescribe that the master of the 
north of Italy should be also master of the south. The point 
essential, is to be sufficiently master of the north to apprehend 
nothing from the influence of adjoining powers interfering in 
the fate of the south. But this first part is enclosed within 
natural bulwarks, the gulf of Genoa and the Adriatic, and 
the immense chain of the Alps. All these considerations then 
point out immediately to a mind capable of embracing things on 
a great scale, the plan necessary to be pursued to effect the 
conquest of this country. It is evident, that the first part must 
be previously mastered; and with this view setting out, whe- 
ther from the east or west but advancing rapidly to the oppo- 
site point, and sweeping away all inferior obstacles, the con- 
queror will be then surrounded by a vast entrenchment or bar- 
rier, defending him on all sides and cutting off the southern 
part of Italy from all communication or succour, so that] it 
must inevitably fall under the accumulating force pressing 
upon it. Souvarof saw with one glance the plan he was to 
follow. He saw that since the French, left to themselves, had 
penetrated imprudently into the south of Italy, that it was by 
no means necessary to commence operations against that part 
of their army, which would remain as a reserve for a second 
victory ; he conceived that his sole object should be to push 

vigorously that army which occupied tke north of Italy until 
D d 



210 THE LIFE OF 

it should be forced entirely to evacuate the country, then 
returning; upon the other, his position and united forces would 
afford him a certain and complete victory. All the circum- 
stances of this bold and decisive scheme presented themselves 
at once to his mind ; he saw the Austrians almost sure to con- 
quer, because they |had already done so $ and the Russians, 
stimulated with the liveliest emulation to imitate them ; whilst 
the French, beaten, weakened, and astonished, uncertain of 
the part they should take, were reduced to a defensive, as 
contrary to their character as to their hopes. He saw that 
this impetuous march would isolate and place without succour 
in the midst of his army, a number of strong places which 
would fall from weakness alone, as members cut off from the 
body. He saw that the rapidity of his movements would sur- 
prize the enemy and betray him into faults, while it animated 
his own troops and roused, in a manner the most favourable 
to his designs, the population of the country who detested the 
French yoke. This march was also the only means of open- 
ing; a communication with the imperial armies in Germany 
through Switzerland, whose neutrality was already violated 
by France, and the possession of which joined to that of Italy, 
would give a most formidable and menacing position against 
France. He saw indeed a reasonable hope of penetrating 
into France on her weakest side ; and to the military advan- 
tage of living at the expence of the enemy, uniting the politi- 
cal effects of inducing the discontented and dissatisfied spirits 
in the country to change or destroy a government, whose exis- 
tence compromitted the safety and repose of Europe. What 
a proud day was that for Souvarof, when he conceived and 
arranged this grand scheme, and when he contemplated the 
means in his hands of carrying it into execution ! — could 
Alexander, setting out for the conquest of Asia and the 
world, having in prospect whole nations chained at his feet, 
experience the satisfaction of the generous and loyal warrior, 
who only marched to the deliverance of nations, and made 
use of victory only to conduce to the public good. 



SOUVAROF. .mi 

At Verona, the marshal was received by the inhabitants as 

the deliverer of Italy. The people at his appearance mani- 
fested the greatest joy ; and lie received deputations from the 
ckrgy, the nobility, and the citizens. He encouraged the 
hopes of all, and impressed them with the same firm confi- 
dence which animated himself. After a short stay at Verona 
he set out for Vallegio, to which the head-quarters of the 
Austrian army had hecn removed. General Melas, who had 
a short time previously taken the command of the Austrian 
army, immediately gave it up to Souvarof. To the Austrian 
general officers he paid the most flattering compliments, but 
among others, he said in particular to general Kray : " It is 
*' to you that I shall be indebted for tiic advantages which 1 
" I hope to obtain over the enemy ; it is you who have opened 
w and indicated to me the way to victory." Thus, superior 
to all low jealousy, this great man knew how to nourish and 
keep alive in others that thirst and emulation for glory of 
which his own soul was full. 

As soon as the first Russian column, ten thousand strong, 
had joined the Austrian army, Souvarof, faithful to the first 
of military principles, resolved to pursue the enemy and 
allow him no time to rally. This was so much the more ne- 
cessary as the French generals daily received re-info rcements 
and supported by the strong places of the Milanese and of 
Piedmont, their position would become so formidable as to 
cause great difficulty in expelling them. This resolution of 
Souvarof leads us to remark, how much more rare than all 
other is the talent which enables a general to profit by vic- 
tory ; and the reason appears to be, that this talent depends 
more upon the character of the man than his science or expe- 
rience. Certainly the baron de Kray had just shewn himself 
an able officer ; Melas too had proved his skill ,* yet neither of 
them, although with a victorious army, and against an enemy 
repeatedly defeated and still suffering from his reverses, had 
put in execution the manoeuvre by which Souvarof com- 



212 THE LIFE OF 

mencedon his very arrival. This manoeuvre, nevertheless, 
must have presented itself to their conception, and there can 
scarcely be any doubt but that it did present itself $ — but as it 
was not without difficulty, it required to undertake it, a confi- 
dence in himself and a conviction of success which ordinary 
men do not possess. Yet it is evident, that the position of the 
French, who had fallen back upon the Milanese and were 
masters of Piedmont in their rear, the Alps on their left, and 
Genoa on their right, was stronger in Italy than that of the 
Austrians, while the latter had not possession of Mantua. 
Consequently it was presumable, that as soon as they received 
sufficient reinforcements, the French would resume the offen- 
sive, which k the position of Mantua would facilitate ex, 
tremely. 

General Moreau, who had succeeded Schercr in the com- 
mand of the French army, had resolved not to fall back, but 
as the Austrians advanced. He was entrenched behind the 
Adda. Souvarof marched against him, The rear guard of 
the French which had not crossed the river but still remained 
posted on the other side, 'was immediately routed and com- 
pelled to join the main body of the army. The cities of Cre- 
mona, Brescia, and Bergama with some others of less impor- 
tance, being defended only by their garrisons were speedily 
carried by the Austro-Russians sword in hand. The whole 
army, full of ardour and confidence, followed this first impulse 
which was given. The Austrians became as daring and enter- 
prising as the Russians ; and the natural emulation of sol- 
diers added to their courage. Before they had been good soldi- 
ers, but were now heroes who would know nothing but victory. 

All the auxiliary Russian army had now come up. Souvarof 
in fact, independently of the talent which he possessed of 
increasing his strength by the energy which he infused into 
his soldiers, had very considerable forces at his disposal. He 
now had more than eighty thousand men under him : and 



SOUVAROF. 2tS 

olvmg to profit by these advantages he continued to ad- 
vance. The 18th of April he left the borders of the Adige ; 
on the 25th he was in the presence of the enemy, on the bunks 
ef the Adda. The intermediate country had been evacuated 
by the enemy ; Peschiera and Mantua were surrounded an* 
besieged* 

The French army was concentrated near Cassano. Mo- 
icau had established his head-quarters attlie village Of Inza- 
go, a little distance in the rear of that city. The infantry 
was posted around the head-quarters, the cavalry stationed 
on the right of the infantry. The whole army was covered 
by the Adda. The upper part of this river, near the lake of 
Como, was guarded by the division of general Serrurier. 
The French were strongly entrenched on the right bank of 
the Adda, and they had lined .with batteries the steep and 
craggy banks of the river, and destroyed all the bridges. 

The Austro -Russian army advanced in three columns. The 
2Cth of April, in the evening, all the troops had arrived at 
the different points which they were to occupy for the attack ; 
which it was resolved to make the next d*.y. Its success 
depended on the activity and secrecy with which the army of 
the allies should cross the deep and rapid Adda, over which it 
was extremely difficult to throw a bridge. The quartcr-mas- 
ter-general of the Austrian army the marquis dc Chasteler, 
succeeded, however, in establishing one at Trezzo, in one of 
the most rapid and difficult parts of the river. The French 
did not perceive it, and were suddenly attacked from it with 
great spirit. This diversion favoured the passage of the other 
divisions of the Austro-Russian army ; and when on the other 
side, the courage and valour of the combatants could alone 
decide the victory. Nor in this case did Souvarof doubt for 
a 'moment of his obtaining it, because he knew himself, and 
the power he had over those lie commanded; — and victory was 
faithful to him in this first battle with a nation * recently become 



21* THE LIFE OF 

the terror of Europe. She was faithful to him on this occa- 
sion, when for the first time in Europe, opposing French 
and Russian ensigns waved in hostile array, against each 
other. The French lost on that day more than two thousand 
men killed, and as many prisoners, many standards and can- 
non, and a large magazine which they had in Cassano. The 
loss of the allies in killed and wounded amounted to fourteen 
hundred men. The Austrian hussars and the Cossacks distin- 
guished themselves at this battle ; and the latter particularly, 
who under Souvarof, seemed to perform prodigies, charged 
the French cavalry repeatedly and with the greatest success. 
The day after this battle, the French general Serruricr, who 
defended the upper part of the Adda, was obliged, after a 
sanguinary affair, to capitulate to the Austrian general Vu- 
kasovitch. These two successes united, gave to the Austro- 
Itussians the command of the whole course of the Adda ; and 
decided the fate of Lombardy which the French were forced 
precipitately to evacuate. Souvarof immediately marched 
into it, and by tiiis rapid movement became master of all the 
posts on the Po, and cut off the French army coming from the 
south, from the roads of upper Tuscany and the dutchy of 
Parma, by which alone they could come to the succour of the 
.. , e north, or effect a retreat to France; he then 

hastened to Milan which he entered on the evening of the 
SJSih of April. 

His entry into this city had the appearance, and was in fact, 
a real triumph. The archbishop and his clergy, the judicial 
and municipal bodies followed the crowd which went out to 
meet the Austrian and Russian troops, and received the hero 
at the gates of the city. On the appearance of the prelate, 
Souvarof alighted, and prostrating himself, demanded his 
benediction.* « I come," said he, rising, " to re-establish 

* This was his constant usage whenever a bishop appeared, and it is the 
ancient custom of the Russians, not only before a bishop, but before evSPV 



SOUVAROF. 215 

" religion, restore the Tope to Ins throne, and bring back the 
" nations to the respect due to kings, lour holy office cn- 
« gages yon to assist mo in this laudable design, and 1 count 
66 upon your co-operation.*' 

The marshal passed through the city amidst an immense 
crowd, to the great cathedral, where a solemn tedeumwas 
sung with great pomp. At night the whole city was illumi- 
nated. 

The opinion of the capital having a powerful influence on 
the surrounding country, Souvarof issued the following pro- 
clamation.* " Italians ! to arms, unite yourselves with us. 
u The victorious army of a powerful emperor comes to suc- 
u cour you, to restore your religion, your government and 
** your rights. Espouse freely this noble cause ; victory is 
" attached to it. We come in force from the bosom of the 

priest. Souvarof knew very well that it was not the custom of the Germans, 
nor of the Italians, but he studiously affected during this whole campaign, the 
most pointed respect for the forms of religion and established government, to 
furnish a contrast to the manners of the enemy with whom he contended. 

* This method of proclamation is a modern invention which dates from 
the war of the revolution. Previously it was useless, for wars were merely 
disputes of kings, which did not change the condition of the people, even when, 
by treaty they passed under a new dominion. In the present time, wars have 
a tendency to change the whole social system, and to regenerate mankind by 
a complete revolution in their ideas, opinions, manners and laws. It is there- 
fore necessary, that the people should co-opciate in this work, and it is in 
sary to address them to incite them to it, This communication with the people 
by means of proclamation, has often succeeded with the French ; but it should 
for the same reason, succeed with those who are interested in opposing! ; 
progress, and it became as necessary to, exhort the people to adhere (.♦ 
their ancient principles as to urge them to change them. Souvarof was too 
skilful to neglect this mean, which the generals of the allied powers had b< 
him too much neglected. 



216 THE LIFE OF 

" north, to effect your deliverance ; will you not do for your- 
(i selves what we generously attempt in your favour? Certain- 
64 ]y no good citizen can hesitate on the part he should take in 
u this great conjuncture. All those who remain attached to 
" the enemy, and in any manner aid and assist him, thereby 
" declaring themselves unworthy citizens s and traitors to 
(t their country, shall be shot without distinction of rank, 
" office, or birth. People of Italy, we expect from your love 
" for your legitimate and ancient sovereign, that we shall 
6i have occasion only to applaud your zeal, and by no means 
" to exercise severity." Thus the first moment he could do 
so in an authentic and useful manner, he took occasion to 
manifest the generous sentiments for which he had taken up 
arms, and which have added such lustre to his victories. 

From Milan, Souvarof, pursuing with activity his ad van- 
tages, and faithful to his plan of driving the French army from 
the north of Italy, and compelling it entirely to evacuate the 
country, detached the greater part of his forces towards 
Piedmont, convinced that that labour once completed would 
give him many facilities towards the accomplishment of the 
other. He was, nevertheless, obliged to disperse his army 
very much, which had always been contrary to his system ; 
and here we see the great superiority of fortified places in a 
defensive war, whatever may be the superior strength of the 
attacking army. The place of Mantua alone, took off twen- 
ty-five thousand men from the army of Souvarof. And he 
was to expect similar obstacles in the strong places of Alex- 
andria, Tortona, and Turin. It required indeed a mind as 
daring, firm, and inflexible as his to dare to conceive the plan 
of chasing the French in one campaign out of Italy — when he 
had an army in his rear and another on his right, around him 
the strongest places in Europe, occupied by the enemy, and 
before him an enemy continually increasing by the arrival of 
fresh forces from France. 



SOUVAROF. 217 

The army which was in tiic rear of Souvarof, and which 
might prove ruinous to him, was the army of Naples, winch 
general Macdonald was bringing 14) by forced inarches 
through Tuscany to the plains of Parma and the hanks of the 
l*o. It was impossible for Souvarof to combat with the same 
advantage and superiority, the French army of the north and 
that of the soutli of Italy. It was necessary then either to 
march upon Macdonald with the whole of his army, and aban- 
don all operations against Moreau (which would enable the 
) reneh to resume the offensive in the untenable positions of 
the plains of Lombard}) or pursue and destroy Moreau, 
incurring the risk that Macdonald would descend the Apen- 
nines before his colleague was entirely cut up, and in time 
therefore, to succour and to save him. 

Any other than our hero w r ould have here found himself in 
a critical dilemma and repented his daring march. But Sou- 
varof had calculated on a solid basis, when he depended on 
himself ; and the circumstance which proves so strongly the 
[ genius and boldness of this campaign, is that, when he 
advanced to Milan with a determination to enter Piedmont, 
he knew very well that it would be necessary to return again 
and oppose Macdonald. He knew that he could not by any 
means avoid fighting him ; that it was naturally and morally 
impossible that any other general or'army than his own, could 
be charged with this operation. It became absolutely neces- 
sary, therefore, that one operation should be entirely finished 
before the other was begun ; and Souvarof was perfectly 
aware of this alternative. 

The locality of the country, afforded indeed a considerable 

advantage in his favour. Tuscany is separated from the 

plains of the dutehies of Parma and Placentia, by the chain of 

the Apennine mountains, tjie defiles of which are extremely 

difficult and which Macdonald was absolutely obliged to cross. 

By occupying these immediately, even with inferior forces, 
E c 



218 THE LIFE OF 

the march of the enemy would he retarded ; which it would be 
impossible to do in the plain, but by opposing to him an army, 
equal to his own. Souvarof detached general Ott to possess 
himself of these defiles ; while, besides the siege of Mantua, 
directed by general Kray, he ordered Bologna and Ferrara to 
be besieged by general Klenau. 

The other army of the enemy, whose movements it was 
necessary to watch, was the army of Switzerland which for- 
tunately was too well occupied by the Austrian army under 
the arch duke Charles, to be very formidable to the Austro- 
Russian army of Italy. If the operations of the arch duke 
had been followed up with as much vigour as those of the 
active and intrepid Russian, the plan of the latter against 
France would have completely succeeded. Chance, politics, 
or we should perhaps say, Providence ordered it otherwise. 

The marshal, who at this time calculated upon the most 

active and vigourous co-operation on the part of the arch 

<luke, detached from Milan some troops towards Switzerland, 

1o keep up the communication with the Austrians and occupy 

llie passages of the Alps. He then continued his march, and 

arrived on the 3d of May at Pavia. Parma, Placentia, Mo- 

dena, and Reggio were already occupied by the allies. The 

people, and particularly the country-people, and peasantry, 

everywhere declared in their favour, and these risings which 

Souvarof organized and directed, of little avail against an 

army acting on the offensive, but ruinous to a beaten and 

retreating army, were accordingly found very destructive 

to the French. 

Nevertheless, their army having not more than thirty thou- 
san d combatants continued to retreat, but shewed always the 
firm countenance of good troops more familiarised with vic- 
tory than defeat. Moreau in retiring, never permitted him- 
self to be attacked to advantage ; but was his retreat, adrair- 



SOUVAROF. <2l* 

ably conducted as to tactique equally so with respect to stra- 
tegic ?* This may admit of discussion. He fell back on 
Tortona and Alexandria, pushing his right towards the 
Apennines and Genoa to endeavour to communicate with 
Macdonald, who would arrive in the state of Genoa through 
Tuscany. The object was at once to place himself on the 
side of his enemy and threaten his flank if he advanced, and 
put himself in a situation so as to ensure receiving the princi- 
pal succour which he then expected. Nothing was more eli- 
gible or proper considered as to manoeuvre, and for the imme- 
diate occasion. But Souvarof was very superior in number 
to Morcau. He could stretch beyond the position of the lat- 
ter, penetrate into Piedmont without obstacle and shut up 
Morcau in the Apennines in a most inconvenient and con- 
tracted position ; and this is what he actually did. The direc- 
tion which Moreau selected, therefore, for his retreat was bad- 
ly chosen, as a combination of generalship, which should em- 
brace the future as well as the present. His retreat should 
rather have been made immediately in the direction to France, 
after leaving strong garrisons amply supplied, in Tortona, 
Alexandria, and Turin. There, whilst the Austro-Russians 

* Military men will understand, that the French now use the term tactique 
to mean those movements of an army made in the actual presence of the 
enemy or within the circle of his operations ; and strategic to express the 
movements which result from the great combinations and the general scheme 01 
plan of a campaign. It has become necessary to have a term to express these 
operations, which have become much more important and decisive than those 
of tactique, especially since armies have become so numerous, and military 
operations connect themselves so closely with politics, topography, statistics, 
and a crowd of moral considerations. 

£The word strategic, is of very recent introduction, and is borrowed imme- 
diately from the Greek, in which it signifies, — praetura, imperium rei militaris, 
the command or office of a general. It may, therefore, be with great pro. 
priety confined to those great and comprehensive plans by which the move, 
ments of a great army are conducted, and the efforts of every particular part 
made to combine, in producing one general effect Translator.] 



220 THE LIFE OF 

employed their forces to reduce those places, the French 
general hehind the shelter of the Alps, would refresh, repose, 
and recruit his army, and having restored to it strength, cou- 
rage, and confidence, could then lead it against the enemy. 
A campaign is never lost when the general is able and active, 
and retains any germ or foundation for an army in a position 
where it can be augmented and recruited. ButMoreau, by 
his position, ran the risk of destroying entirely, the whole of 
the army that remained to him. 

With the first troops who passed into Piedmont, Souvarof 
took care to issue a proclamation addressed to the people and 
to the soldiers of the ancient Piedmontese arm y. To the 
people he said, that he came to restore their government, their 
religion, their laws, their national independence, and their 
legitimate sovereign. The troops lie invited to return under 
their ancient banners ; he reminded them of their former 
oaths, and in the name of honour urged them to quit the 
service where they were detained by force, and unite with the 
liberators of their country. This v\ as in conformity to the 
wishes of the emperor of Russia, who intended to restore the 
king of Sardinia to his throne. It was also in conformity to 
his own sentiments, for Souvarof believed that no measure 
was more politic, or morejust and wise, than to commence by 
building up again the ancient social system in all its parts, 
to inspire confidence and regain the attachment of the people; 
subject afterwards to a treaty dispassionately formed between 
the great powers of Europe to fix the limitations and bounda- 
ries most proper to ensure for the future a permanent peace 
in Europe. Besides, he immediately perceived the advan- 
tages of attracting to his service a body of forces, who were 
already organized and disciplined ; and who, it was natural 
to suppose, would be animated with the desire to take revenge 
for the violence which had made them join the French cause ; 
and who would now engage with zeal in the service of their 
sovereign, since by that alone, they could hope to obtain com- 
plete indemnity. 



SOUVAROF. g2i 

Nevertheless, this step and this wise calculation were disap- 
proved by the court of Vienna. That court, without explain- 
ing its future intentions respecting Piedmont, discouraged For 
the present every idea of re-establishing it as an independent 
state; she occupied it as a conquered country, and subjected 
it to military regulation. Did this proceed from a selfish po- 
licy on the part of Austria ? or was it from deep and profound 
views of the changes which the order and distribution of the 
states of Europe must one day undergo ? — It is a point which 
we will not undertake to decide ,* but it is certain that it was 
this refusal of the court of Vienna to acquiesce in the designs 
of Russia with respect to the king of Sardinia that first pro- 
duced the dissention which broke out very soon between these 
two coalesced powers. From this time Souvarof lost the con- 
fidence of the emperor Francis, and all credit in his cabinet. 
He himself conceived a just and well-founded distrust which 
afflicted him the more, because he saw the evils that would 
arise from a want of perfect understanding, and its effects 
upon the future operations of the war. It was doubtless, for 
that reason, that he could not resolve to inform his own sove- 
reign of the extent of his fears and his dissatisfaction. Know- 
ing the impetuous character of Paul and the hasty prompti- 
tude of his decisions, he feared a sudden rupture which would 
have destroyed all that he had done, and all that he intended 
to do. His mind embracing things on a great scale, he saw 
that the expulsion of the common enemy was the great object 
which should not be lost sight of, and that by fixing the atten- 
tion on this point, he should turn it from those little dissentions 
which result in general from too much security. Or he hoped 
in fine, to acquire for the arms of his master, by his victories, 
such an ascendancy, as to give him lite right to express in pro- 
per time and place, more .than his mere wishes on the sub- 
ject. 

Following therefore, with eagerness, his great military 
plan j the marshal had ordered general Vukasovitch, whom he 



222 THE LIFE OF 

had detached into Piedmont, to ascend the left bank of thePo 
occupying in succession all the small posts which the French 
were obliged to evacuate, and to halt only under the walls of 
Turin. He at the same time put his own army in motion to 
sustain this movement. His object in this march, indepen- 
dently of the important acquisition of a new territory, was to 
force Moreau (by pushing by him considerably on his left, and 
threatening to attack him from the rear) to abandon the 
strong position he had just taken, in the neighbourhood of 
Alexandria. Moreau perceived the danger and endeavoured 
to extricate himself from it \ — the city of Tortona had been 
taken hy the allies, but the citadel still held out. Moreau 
moved for this point with the double intention of relieving it, by 
attacking the besiegers suddenly and unexpectedly \ and of 
stopping the march of the Austro-Russian army. 

In fact, on the 18th of May, before day, the French threw 
a bridge of boats over the Bormida, passed that river, and 
marched against the enemy by the plain of Marengo. 

The Austrian general Lusignan, commanding the besieging 
army, having by a fortunate hazard been reinforced by the 
Russian division of prince Pancration, which was on its 
march for another destination, but stopped on seeing the pro- 
bability of an approaching combat, between the French and 
Austrians, did not hesitate to advance and meet the 
enemy, instead of waiting his attack. This movement 
deranged the plan of Moreau, who had calculated on 
attacking. He now endeavoured to turn the flanks of the 
Austrians by detaching strong columns along the Tanaro and 
the Bormida. But the march of these columns was slow and 
uncertain, since they had to fear being attacked themselves 
every moment by the allied corps encamped in different direc- 
tions ; and because their progress depended on the firmness 
of their main body, whose defeat exposed their retreat to be 
cut off. The main body of the army and the columns who 



SOUVAROF. 243 

were tr. support it, weiv reciprocally observing tlic movements 
of each other ; and their n suited from this an uncertainty 
and confusion in the attack of Moreau, which the Austrian 
general immediately perceived and turned to his own advan- 
tage. Without being alarmed at the movements of the ene- 
my's columns and at the risk of being attacked on both flanks 
he directed all his forces against the main body of the French, 
which he completely succeeded in breaking. From that time 
victory declared for him — Moreau was obliged to retreat and 
destroy the bridge which he had thrown over the Bormida, 
with the loss of a great number of men. But this was a tri- 
fling disadvantage, compared to the results which followed it. 
The unsuccessful attempt of Moreau proved to him all the 
dangers of his position. The divisions of Lusignan and Pan- 
cration threatened to extend themselves and cut off his right, 
while Souvarof was already greatly in advance of his left. 
Trino, Casal, and Valcntia, were very soon carried by the 
allied troops. Moreau was obliged to evacuate Alexandria, 
after having thrown a garrison into the citadel, and to retire 
precipitately upon Coni. All the communications with the 
army of Switzerland were cut off and those with the army of 
Naples extremely contracted. The plan of the campaign of 
the allies, was therefore executed. Such were the decisive 
results of the rapid march of Souvarof and the too measured 
retreat of Moreau. 

In the mean while, the French garrisons abandoned by their 
army, surrounded by enemies and cut off from all hopes of 
succour, capitulated one after another. Peschiera, Ferrara, 
Ravenna, Rimini, Puzzitgitone, and the citadel of Milan, suc- 
cessively fell into the hands of the conquerors. These cap- 
tures gave to the Austro-Russians an abundant supply of am- 
munition and provisions, a considerable artillery, and the 
disposal of the troops who had been occupied in the sieges; 
who could now be employed with the principal army under 
Souvarof, whose object was to get possession of Turin, er to 



2<ft THE LIFE OF 

reinforce the corps besieging Mantua, and the citadels of 
Alexandria and Tortona, whose fall would assure the posses- 
sion of the north of Italy. 

The allies were now masters of the whole of the open coun- 
try which the enemy no longer disputed with them. By his 
victories in Italy, Souvarof had assured the progress of the 
Austrians in Switzerland; and all the chain of the Alps and 
the vallies on both sides were now evacuated by the French. 
General Bellegarde, who commanded the Austrian corps 
charged to compel this evacuation, joined on his left the Aus- 
trian army at Chiavenna, and keeping up on his right a free 
communication with the army of the arch duke by the country 
of the Grisons, he united the communications of the allied 
armies of Germany and of Italy. This union, by establish- 
ing harmony and uniformity between the operations of two 
such generals as the arch duke and Souvarof, excited in the 
highest degree, the hopes of the coalition, and seemed to indi- 
cate to Europe a complete change in her political system* 

To speak to the eyes and to public opinion, those two great 
directors of mankind, Souvarof resolved before setting out 
for Turin, to make a solemn public entry into Alexandria. 
For some days he had had with him the grand duke Constan- 
linc, the second son of the emperor Paul.* The presence of 
this young prince, which had the happiest effect upon the 
soldiery, would be no less favourable upon the people of Italy, 
by shewing the anxiety of the greatest sovereign of the coali- 
tion for their deliverance, since he sent his son to aid in it. 
The entry of the victorious marshal into Alexandria, having 

* This prince, to whom nature has given martial propensities and talents for 
war, having made his apprenticeship to arms under so great a man as Souva- 
i of, and in the brilliant campaign of 1799, preserves for the glory, the lustre, 
and pre-eminence of the Russian arms an enthusiasm and warmth of feeling, 
which must render him cxtiemely dear to a brave and courageous people. 



SOUVAROF. 22* 

on his right the favourite son of his sovereign, and on his left 
the Austrian general Melas, chief commander under him of 
the Austrian army, had all the pomp of a triumph. The city 
and the army testified the greatest joy, and saw in tins fete 
only the prelude to more important and solemn triumphs and 
marches. 

Certain now of being able to fight Macdon aid and the army 
of Naples witli great advantage if it came down into the 
plains and knowing the precious importance of time, Sou- 
varof had strongly at heart to effect the conquest of Pied- 
mont without delay. Turin, by its position, the importance 
of its citadel, and its immense magazines and artillery, was in 
a military view, not only the capital, but the key of Piedmont. 
Souvarof marched immediately for it and arrived there on 
the 26th of May. General Vukasovitch had already com- 
menced the siege ; on the arrival of Souvarof he took the 
command in person, and after an unsuccessful summons to the 
governor, resolved on a bombardment* The effect was such 
as might be expected. The people rose upon the garrison 5 
forced it to retire to the citadel, and opened the gates of the 
city to the allies. Six hundred and sixty cannon, and other 
artillery, found in the arsenal or upon the ramparts, a vast 
quantity of bombs, balls, and other munitions of war, and 
more than six thousand quintals of powder were the price of 
the occupation of Turin, which cost the Austro-Russians only 
thirty men killed and fifty wounded* Tc ileum was chaunted 
in the cathedral ; and in fact, he had cause to return thanks to 
heaven for these unexpected successes. 

But the citadel held out. A cannonade was commenced on 

it and kept up with great spirit from the very day the allies 

entered Turin. The garrison answered it and fired upon the 

city. The marshal immediately sent a menace to the governor 

to put him and his whole garrison to the sword in the event of 

taking the citadel, if he did not cease to fire upon the city, 

F f 



225 THE LIFE OF 

contrary to the Jaw of nations ; and he would certainly have 
executed this threat. It produced its effect ; the fire on the city 
was suspended. This was not the first time that the firmness 
of Souvarof, declaring that he would retaliate, had awed an 
enemy too violent and rash in their declarations. It is a strik- 
ing example and proof that folly, violence, and extravagance 
yield to true firmness and decision of character. 

Immediately "upon the occupation of Turin, the marshal 
eent several detachments to possess themselves of the princi- 
pal points which opened the entry into Piedmont from the 
side of France. These columns penetrated into the vallies of 
Aoste, of Mor*mna, and of Suza, threatening to enter France 
by Savoy andDauphiny. The Russian patroles pushed even 
into the latter province, after the taking of Suza by pr ince 
Pancration. On the side of Pignerol and the Vaudese val- 
lies, the inhabitants, who were all protectants had declared 
violently in favour of the republicans : they did not however, 
venture to hold out in Pignerol when menaced with an assault. 
To put an end to this war against the people, always irksome, 
Souvarof addressed a proclamation, couched in the mildest 
terms, to the people of the Vaudese vallies, and promised 
them that they should not be molested in their belief or their 
privileges. They laid down their arms : thus the same war- 
rior who was able to f rce them from the most terrible enemies 
on the field of battle, obtained them here, by persuasion, from 
a courageous but deceived people. 

In the mean time general Moreau, whose army was reduced 
to twenty thousand men, was obliged to abandon Piedmont 
entirely to the allies. He retired by the Col de Teride towards 
the territory of Genoa, harassed extremely in his march, by 
the insurgent peasantry of Piedmont, who, under the name of 
" The Christian Mass or Levy," shewed the extremest hatred 
and bitterness against the French, notwithstandingthe menaces 
©f the latter and the severe reprisals they sometimes exercised* 



SOUVAROF. 227 

The only plan of Moreau at this time, was to unite himself 
with Macdonald through Genoa. With this augmentation of 
force, and assisted by the situation of the territory of Genoa, 
covered by the Apennines and accessible onlj bj a few narrow 
defiles, Moreau would have opposed to Souvarof a line of 
defence exceedingly perplexing to fne latfo ; . and which would 
not have been easily forced. This, it is to be presumed* wai 
the plan of Moreau : but it was not that of Macdonald. 

Upon the first intelligence of the successes of the Ai strians, 
Macdonald had quitted Naples, bringing with him all the dis- 
posable troops he could collect, except a few garrisons left in 
the most important places. He was reinforced in the Roman 
states, and in Tuscany, by the different French corps spread 
through the country, so that on his arrival on the frontiers of 
Modena, he presented himself ready for battle, with a fores 
of thirty-live thousand men. 

These forces, although far superior to those that were 
immediately opposed to them, yet were not very considerable 
compared with the whole of the A ustro- Russian army in the 
north of Italy. If Moreau had not yet been driven beyond 
the Apennines, or if his army had been less completely defeat- 
ed, and Souvarof less decidedly victorious, th manoeuvre of 
Macdonald would have been, without doubt, to traverse the 
defiles of the Apennines and display his army on the plains 
of Parma ; thus placing the allied army between two fires. 
But in the actual state of things, prudence and military rules 
required that he should unite with Moreau b\ the state of (*e- 
noa, covering himself by the Apennines, instead of crossing 
these mountains. Macdonald, however, disregarded prudence 
to signalize himself, by a more brilliant action. But Souva- 
rof was watching* him. He had previously made his dispo- 
sitions to retard as much as possible the junction of the two 
French armies ; and with this view had detached the troops 
lying before Mantua (after turning the siege into a blockade) 



228 THE LIFE OF 

to reinforce the chain of posts which guarded the passages of 
the Apennines. He knew, nevertheless, that these troops were 
not of sufficient force to advance before the enemy in Tuscany 
and give him battle, the only way of retarding his march. 
He foresaw that he could not prevent the junction of Moreau 
and Macdonald, if Macdonald desired it ; and he had long 
been satisfied that he should be obliged to retrace his steps to 
combat these generals in person. All that he could wish there- 
fore, was to be able to fight them separately, and on favoura- 
ble ground — Macdonald granted him that satisfaction. 

This general had in his favour but one chance, which 
in truth, might have been decisive ; it was the calculation, 
that his enemy would not arrive in time. But if lie indeed 
depended upon this, if ever man reckoned without his host 
(to use a familiar but strong expression) it was Macdonald. 
He should have known Souvarof better from his former ac- 
tions, than to expect that he had gone as far as Turin, and 
forgot completely, that a hostile army was arriving in his 
rear. Souvarof had foreseen and combined every thing. He 
had spared no effort to destroy Moreau and prevent him from 
being any further dangerous. He had advanced to Turin, to 
secure the opinion of the people in his favour ; to augment 
his own army by the addition of the Piedmontese; to seize the 
magazines and formidable artillery, and to ensure the speedy 
fall of the places which he left behind him, by cutting them off 
from all hope of succour; and lastly, to establish the commu- 
nications with the army of the arch duke, and encrease his 
forces and the facility of their development. These great 
objects being attained, Souvarof, who knew that Macdonald 
had a force strong enough to enable him to descend into the 
plains, but not powerful enough to prevent his posts from gra- 
dually falling back, or to capture them, was sure to meet the 
arm y of Naples with superior numbers ; and in that case, he 
who hadjalways vanquished his enemies with inferior numbers, 
counted before the battle upon a certain victory. The chance, 



SOUVAROF. w* 

therefore, which "Macdonald believed was in his favour, was 
specious we acknowledge, had he been opposed to any other 
than Sonvarof; who never came too late, but always too early 
for those who had to deal w ith him. 

No sooner had the marshal learned that the enemy was ad- 
vancing towards the low er Po, than lea\ ing the siege of the ci- 
tadel of Turin to the field-marshal lieutenant Keim, he brought 
his army by hasty marches to Alexandria. It was there that 
he learnt that Macdonald had already passed Modcna, after 
having repulsed beyond the To, the feeble corps of the gene- 
rals iiohenzollern and Klenau, and that he was now advanc- 
ing by Reggio, into the plain between Parma and l'lacentia, 
Where he was pressing vigourously on the field-marshal lieu- 
tenant Ott. Quickening his march, he arrived to his succour 
on the 17th of June, in the afternoon, at the moment when 
Ott, who had received orders to hold the enemy in check, but 
not to engage in a battle, was on the point of yielding his 
ground and retreating. The van-guard of the Russians had 
no sooner reinforced the right of general Ott than the Cos- 
sacks precipitated themselves on the left wing of thcenciny. 
They were followed by the infantry, who charged the French 
at the point of the bayonet and drove them back. The same 
manoeuvre was executed by the left wing of the Austrians 
against the right of the French, by the Cossacks and Russian 
infantry, under the conduct of prince Gorjakof, the nephew 
of Souvarof. At this moment general Ott led the;main body 
against the centre of the French, and notwithstanding the 
resistance of the latter, they were repulsed and driven over to 
the right bank of the Tidone with the loss of four thousand 
dead, nearly as many wounded, and four hundred prisoners. 

All the Russian columns did not take part in this action, but 
joined the army in the night of the 17th — 18th. On the 18th 
the marshal resolved to give a general battle, and Macdonald 
evinced a determination to await it. He had ranged his army 



230 THE LIFE OF 

at the distance of half a league from the river Trebia, on the 
same side, and in a plain between taat river and the little 
rivulet Tidone. The French army, more then thirty thou- 
sand strong, and supported by a numerous artillery, was still 
more formidable from the ground it occupied, which was 
intersected oy woods and ditches, and though a plain pre- 
sented as many difficulties as tue most unequaj ami broken 
ground, Souvarof had thirty-six thousand men become 
invincible under his orders by the succession of victories they 
had gained. Trusting in hiuiseit anu las ami) , ne appeared 
on the 18th June, at the hour 01 ten m t^e morning, o» U19 
left bank of the Tidone. Y> bat a spectacle was here i Before 
him lay the same field of battle on which, two thousano years 
ago the greatest general of antiquity the amous Hannibal, 
had vanquished the Romans in a bioody combat, and mani- 
fested to the nations, that those w r ho then aspired secretly to 
the dominion of the world, could be made to tremble for 
themselves. It was also to dispute the possession of a part of 
the world from the encroachments ol an ambitious people that 
Souvarof fought ; it was with intentions as magnanimous 
and just as those of the Carthagenian : it was after his exam* 
pie that he had arrived, victory alter victor}, to the same 
plains, where he was to reach the pinnacle of his glory, or 
perish. In fine, he was the Hannibal of his age ; in him were 
united bravery, perseverance, immoveable firmness of cha- 
racter, fruitfulness of resource, severity to himself and 
ascendancy over all others, — all the brilliant qualities, in a 
word, which distinguished the illustrious ( arthagenian. 
What a singular ollision of circumstances, and how T much it 
was calculated to inflame the soul of Souvarof. It was then 
that he declared the v ictory was his ; and no human obstacles 
were sufficient to wrest it from him. 

Fn proportion as the victory was certain, so much greater 
v;is the glory of selling it dearly, and Macdonald did this in 
a manner worthy of his own reputation and the brave sjldiers 



SOUVAROF. 

he commanded. No battle in the whole war of flic revolution 
had been so bloody and ho terrible as that of this famous day, 
when both sides exhibited efforts of the most determined and 
intrepid bravery. It seemed that in the two armies they 
thought of the distance they had come and spumed the idea of 
beinu; beaten after all their fatigues; and* they saw neither 
danger nor hazard but only the shame of being vanquished. 
It is almost certain, that on this terrible day, any other general 
in Europe than Souvarof, must have succombed, ISut if be 
ever shewed that it was impossible to defeat him, it was at 
Trrbia. His plan of attack was simple, because the ground 
did not admit of any other. In a battle there is commonly a 
feeble point to take advantage of, a combination or movement 
to seize, a chance or accident to be embraced, which may be 
called the key of the battle. Here, two armies of equal force, 
enclosed in a harrow space which they entirely filled, offered 
no base for manoeuvres, other than a shock more or less 
prompt and terrible, and the skill to re-inibrce at proper times 
the enfeebled points, and those in danger of being carried by 
the enemy. The battle of Trebia resembled the battles of 
antiquity. Souvarof attacked the French army in tiiree 
eolumns, charged it every where with the bayonet, and after 
prodigious efforts, dislodged it from all its positions and drove 
it with great loss to the right bank of the Trebia- 

But on the next day. the 19th, Macdonald, by a sort of des- 
perate stroke attempted to have his revenge. He felt, that 
since he had engaged in it, he should maintain himself in 
his posts until the arrival of Moreau, whom he expected con- 
stants. The Cimbri formerly, before Marius, attended in 
like manner, the arrival of the Teutones to destroy the Ro- 
mans ; but what Marius replied to the Cimbri of the Tea- 
tones, Souvarof could have said to Macdonald of Moreau, 
who like the sad remnants of the Teutones, was not in a 
ation to afford relief to his brethren in arms. Depending, 
how§vcr, upon this hope, Macdonald infused it into his troop* 



232 THE LIFE OF 

and prevailed on them once more to try the chance of arms. 
On this day he was the assailant. On both sides, the troops 
had been so fatigued by the cruel combat of the day before, 
that Souvarof had abandoned his design of passing the Tre- 
biato pursue the French ; and it was not till ten in the morn- 
ing that Macdonald, having restored order to his army, 
endeavoured to throw his left wing over the river. In a little 
while, he made the same attempt in his centre and on the right 
wing. The right wing formed in columns which was to follow 
the Po, and turn the Austrians, suffered most cruelly. Chargv 
ed twice by the cavalry, commanded by the prince John of 
Lichstenstcin, it was completely broken and driven across the 
river, leaving two thousand dead upon the field. A similar 
success soon after crowned the efforts with which the centre 
and right wing of the allies resisted the attacks of the French. 
Macdonald, completely routed, thought only of a retreat. He 
effected it the night following ; happy that excessive fatigue 
prevented the Austro-Russians from finishing the destruction 
of the remains of his army before it reached the Apennines. 
After some days march he entered the mountains, with twenty 
thousand men less than when he left them, having lost besides, 
the greater part of his baggage, ammunition, and artillery. 
He himself, together with most of his generals had been 
wounded in the battle. 

Souvarof, allowing 'to his troops no more time than was 
absolutelv necessarv to recover from their extreme fatisrue, 
put himself at the head of some regiments and commenced on 
the 20th, the pursuit of the French, who were retiring by 
Parma, Reggio, and Modena. Before he set out, he despatch- 
ed a courier to Vienna, carrying the first intelligence of the 
victory of the Trebia. He wrote thus to the emperor Francis: 
" The officer charged with this despatch, will inform your 
" majesty of therglorious details of the triple battle of Tre- 
" bia. The admirable courage which the French have evinc- 
u ed, was only a stronger motive to the allied troops to mani- 



SOUVAROF. to$ 

*' fest superior bravery. Our success is due to the brave army 
" that I command. As to myself, I have no other merit than 
" to have executed the orders of your majesty. You com- 
4i manded me to deliver Italy from the enemy. The enemy 
44 has been driven out ; Italy is free.' 



99 



Although Italy was not actually freed from the presence of 
the enemy at this time, yet the foresight of the marshal ena- 
bled him to see, that it would inevitably happen very soon, and 
this part of his letter was, therefore, not an empty boast. 
Macdonald, unable to shew himself on the field of battle, saw 
the feeble remains of his army harassed on their march. His 
rear-guard was attacked and a number of prisoners taken. 
TheLigurian legion, who advanced by Bobbio upon Piacentia 
to reinforce him, was scarcely able to protect its own retreat. 
Attacked by a detachment sent by Souvarof to meet it, it 
was obliged to make its way back with precipitation, by the 
way it had come. The only enemy of importance who 
fixed the attention of Souvarof was Moreau. 

Hastening to avail himself of all the advantages which 
his situation might present, and having received some rein- 
forcements from France, Moreau had no sooner been informed 
of the movement of Macdonald upon Parma and Piacentia, 
than leaving the state of Genoa by the pass of the Bochetta, 
he advanced by Novi upon Tortona (whose citadel yet held 
out.) compelled the Austrian general Bellegarde to repass the 
Bormida, and pushing him on constantly, threatened to arrive 
on the rear of the Austro-Russian army, and thus place it 
between two fires. In the latter respect, the approach of 
Moreau was no longer dangerous ; still the marshal wished 
to have again the glory of his defeat. He returned upon 
him from Parma, with a corps of twenty-five thousand men, 
and by a rapid march, and collecting all the Austrian corps 
in his route, he arrived on the 26th, between 'Tortona and 
Alexandria, where he met general Bellegarde. By this 
Gg 



23* THE LIFE OF 

junction the army was increased to forty thousand men. But 
Moreau had not waited for him. So soon as he was apprised 
of the defeat of Macdonald, he had fallen back upon JNovi, 
and had been obliged to engage in a second and bloody combat 
with Bellegarde, who had taken a position to dispute the 
passage. This battle was destructive to the French, who 
had nine hundred men killed and two thousand wounded. 
Moreau was unable to maintain himself at Novi, and fell 
back to Govi, where he concentrated his forces, covering 
the pass of the Bochetta. But he speedily abandoned this 
new position, and returned into the territory of Genoa, 
where he was joined in the course of July by the shattered 
remains of the army of Macdonald. The diversion of 
Moreau had at least been favourable to the retreat of Mac- 
donald, who was not molested in passing the mountains. The 
victory of Souvarof was crowned not only by the complete 
disappearance of the enemy, but by the surrender of the cita- 
del of Turin, of FortUrbano, of Bologna, and the possession 
of all Tuscany. The capitulation of the citadel of Alexan- 
dria soon added another to these great successes, and nothing 
was now wanting to the complete satisfaction of the marshal 
but the possession of the important place of Mantua. 

Mantua, illustrated in antiquity, as the birth place of Vir- 
gil, celebrated in modern history by the splendour with which 
it shone under its dukes, and by the arts which flourished 
there, is now only known as one of the strongest places in 
Europe. It is built upon an island in a lake formed by the 
Mincio. This situation renders the siege of Mantua difficult 
and even dangerous, by reason of the noxious influence of the 
humidity and exhalations of the lake, breeding disease and pes- 
tilence. To this natural defence, Mantua unites all those of 
art, both in the strength and the number of its works. The 
city is vast, and able to contain a very numerous garrison, 
always an important advantage when there is time to lay up 
magazines. The position of Mantua, nearly central in the 
north of Italy, renders it an object of importance to the 



SOUVAROF. 235 

powers bordering on the extremities, whether France or 
Austria, who would ensure the conquest of the country. Sou- 
varof, who perceived the urgent necessity, that the ailies 
should gain possession of it, had allotted thirty thousand men 
under the orders of general Kray for the siege. It was a 
complete army in itself, and diminished greatly the force of 
the active army ; which Souvarof experienced when on the 
appearance of Macdonald in Modena, he was obliged to draw 
off the troops besieging Mantua, to make head against this 
new enemy. But after the victory of Trebia, he sent back 
general JfcLray to renew the siege with increased forces, and 
brought up all the artillery taken in the different places, and 
among others that of Turin. Mantua was now cannonaded 
by six hundred pieces of cannon and mortars. It was con- 
stantly the system of Souvarof, during this campaign to can- 
nonade with an immense artillery in his sieges. This system 
must be accounted good, since it is very expeditious; and this 
advantage, incalculable in almost every species of war, is 
particularly so in sieges, where the operations, if protracted 
for any time, become as ruinous to the besiegers as the 
besieged. Mantua was unable to resist this terrible fire, and 
the attacks which, under the protection of the cannon, were 
made upon it. Nineteen days after the trendies were opened 
the city was forced to capitulate. The garrison, consisting of 
nearly ten thousand men, were made prisoners of war. Eight 
hundred pieces of artillery, thirteen thousand muskets, a 
prodigious quantity of ammunition and implements of war of 
every kind, magazines sufficient for the support of the garri- 
son for twenty months, and a complete medicine chest, were 
found in the city. 

Upon the fall of this place, Souvarof united to him the 
army of general Kray, and found himself in a situation more 
favourable than ever for the prosecution of his great views. 
His attention was particularly directed to Genoa. This city 
and its territory were now the refuge and rallying-point of 



236 THE LIFE OF 

the French armies of Italy, who thence had a communication 
with France, by means of Nice. But this communication, 
extremely contracted, left a great inconvenience in the want 
of provisions for the army. Genoa was unable to furnish 
them, and they could neither draw them from Italy, since the 
allies had united the possession of Tuscany to that af Lom- 
bardy ; nor from the sea, on account of the English fleet 
which blockaded the harbour of Genoa and interdicted all 
entrance. Souvarof had the choice, therefore, of two plans 
for the reduction of Genoa : either to pass and turn it, as was 
done at Mantua and Alexandria, by advancing with all his 
forces into Piedmont, and menacing the frontiers of France, 
(which would have retained in France all the succours coming 
from the interior, and rendered the situation of the French 
in the state of Genoa extremely precarious) or to force a way 
through the Apennines into the territory of Genoa, and bear 
down with his whole force upon the French armies assembled 
in this contracted space. One of these plans he would with- 
out doubt, have put in execution ; but the sieges and the dou- 
ble diversion of Macdonald and Moreau had consumed much 
time. The French government too, resolved to attempt ano- 
ther effort for the recovery of Italy, had made extraordinary 
levies, and sent on to Genoa fresh reinforcements, and a new 
general, from whose youth and boldness great expectations 
were formed. By this concurrence of circumstances, Souvarof 
was anticipated, and while he meditated an attack, perceived 
on the contrary, that he must guard against one preparing 
against himself. 

Jotjbert, a young man who had never commanded an army 
in chief, but who on many occasions had displayed great mili- 
tary talents, and manifested especially that vigour and deci- 
sion of character so powerful in its influence over others, was 
selected by the Directory, as the man most capable of restor- 
ing the desperate state of affairs in Italy. An army was has- 
tily made up for this general, of all the disposable troops in 



SOUVAROF. 2*9 

France, and they succeeded in assembling under his orders 
(including the troops of Moreau) from fori \ -five to fifty 
thousand men. From the arrival of .Joubert at Genoa, the 
advanced posts of the Austrians observed among the French 
troops an activity and movement which seemed to portend an 
attack. And in fact, Joubert had received orders to advance. 
The citadel of Tortona had not yet surrendered — a desperate 
stroke might yet save tliis place ; and if it succeeded, place 
the French again in the centre of Lombardy and change the 
fortune of the war. It was incumbent on the French to make 
the attempt, and the personal character of Joubert as well as 
his instructions stimulated him to try the favour of fortune by 
a bold and decisive step. On the first intelligence he received 
of the movements of the enemy, Souvarof foresaw his design 
and the manner in which he intended to execute it. There 
was indeed but one ; for the play of the French was to hazard 
all, and advancing, to give battle immediately. Tortona was 
the only point of support remaining to them, and their present 
situation urged them strongly to commence operations. It was 
natural therefore to conclude, that they would advance by the 
shortest road to Tortona. Consequently all the measures of 
Souvarof tended to concentrate his troops on the avenues 
leading to this place, while Joubert united his on the same 
line, to be enabled to penetrate and force his way to it. The 
two armies were soon in presence of each other. They met 
first at a little distance from Novi, some leagues from Torto- 
na, and on the road to Genoa by the pass of the Bochctta. 
The French arriving from the mountains, spread themselvse 
along the heights between Novi and Serravallc, intending to 
establish themselves strongly on their elevated position and 
chuse their ground to descend into the plain. Whether it was 
that there was reason to apprehend that the French would 
really gain the choice of ground in the plain and attack with 
advantage, or because he was convinced that when troops are 
equal in number, courage, and discipline, that the advantage is 
always on the side of the assailant, Souvarof resolved to 



238 THE LIFE OF 

attack the positions of the French. By a nervous and eloquent 
address, he brought over to the same opinion the council of 
war of the Austrian generals, promising them the victory, 
and pledging as a guarantee all his former triumphs. The 
attack was fixed for the next day, the 16th of August. 

That day exhibited the spectacle of an old man of seventy, 
shewing more ardour for battle than a young man of twenty- 
five, and confiding in his long experience, and a fortune which 
had never forsaken him, bursting impetuously upon an adver- 
sary, who on his part burned with impatience to meet him. 
In this disposition, the shock of the two armies was terrible. 
Souvarof made his dispositions according to the general rule, 
regulating the attack of a position ; which was to turn it. 
The French had rested their right wing upon Serravalle, a 
small town on the river Sorivia. In the castle of this town, 
the allies had a garrison, but it was at present blockaded by 
the French. As the ground was sloping to the river, and pre- 
sented an easier access, and as the strong point of this part of 
the position (the castle) was in the power of the allies, it fol- 
lowed, that this was the weak point of the French army, the 
key of its position, and consequently the side against which 
the greatest efforts of the Austro-Russians should be directed. 
Upon Serravalle then, Souvarof directed the principal column 
of attack, under the command of general Melas. But to 
prevent, on the other hand, the enemy from collecting his prin- 
cipal force for the defence of this part, he caused him to be at- 
tacked vigorously and at the same time at Novi, on his cen- 
tre, and Pastorana on his left. 

Joubert, who knew the strong and weak points of his posi- 
tion, was not led away to make his principal resistance on his 
right wing at Serravalle. But profiting by the repulse of the 
allies in their attack on his left wing which was posted on 
heights almost impregnable, he reinforced still more his left 
wing, with troops drawn from his centre and right, and put- 



SOUVAROF. 2J9 

ting himself at their head ordered a charge with thcbayonrr, 
with the intention apparently of overthrowing the Austro- 
Russians in the plain, and thus forcing their centre and lefl 
to desist from the attack or incur the danger of heing attacked 
themselves in their rear. 

This manoeuvre, which would have given a different turn 
to affairs, and obliged Souvarof to change his dispositions, was 
not carried into execution, because, in the moment of the 
charge, Joubert received a mortal wound from a musket ball, 
of which he died a few hours afterwards. The French 
nevertheless, maintained themselves in their positions with 
unshaken firmness. Their centre, posted at Novi, resisted 
three furious attacks directed by Souvarof in person. But in 
the mean time, the column of the left wing of the allies having 
forced the right of the French at Serravalle, came over the 
heights in the rear. At the same instant a fourth attack 
directed upon Novi, found the French beginning to be uneasy 
for the safety of their rear, and of course more easily broken. 
From this time victory declared for the Austro-Russians. 
The remainder of the battle was only a continued carnage : 
The French left eight thousand dead upon the field of battle, 
besides a vast number wounded. Pursued by the victorious 
enemy in their retreat to Genoa, through difficult passes and 
mountains, many prisoners were taken from them ; and, as il 
commonly happens, when a position is turned and carried by 
force, they were unable to carry off their artillery, the whole 
of which fell into the hands of the allies. 

But this victory, which put an end to all the hopes of the 
French for this year at least, and assured to the allies the 
subjugation of Italy, was not obtained without great sacrific s. 
The French sold very dearly their final defeat, and taught 
their enemies that the continued and successive reverses of a 
whole campaign had been insufficient to subdue their courage. 
This battle has been with reason, compared with the most ter- 



2M> THE LIFE OF 

rible of the last century, with those of Malplaquet, of Pul- 
towa, and of Kunersdorf. Though the number of killed was 
less considerable on the part of the conquerors, (since it is 
always in the first moments of retreat that a beaten army 
loses the greatest number of men) yet the wounded were 
nearly equal on both sides. Souvarof said of this battle, that 
it was the most obstinate he had seen ; and he was capable of 
judging, for few generals of the age had been engaged in as 
bloody and desperate combats as himself. He repeated here 
the example which he had shewn at Trebia, of that persever- 
ance which no obstacle could discourage; and in fact, a gene- 
ral less firm and constant in his determinations, and less pow- 
erful over the minds of his soldiers would never have suc- 
ceeded in forcing the French positions at Novi.^ To cele- 
brate this great victory lie caused te deum to be sung on the 
field of battle. 

Nevertheless, this victory did not produce the great results 
which were expected, on account of a combination of circum- 
stances which we shall endeavour to explain. At the moment 
when Souvarof prepared to give increased activity to his ope- 
rations, he was fettered, and his progress stopped. Combi- 
nations and plans, to which he was a stranger, came to cross 
and perplex those he had formed. 

Subjected to an exterior influence, this great man saw him- 

* The attacks of the Russians on the centre of the French, were repulsed 
with so much energ}', that Souvarof ?»was doubtful of the victory. He was 
heard to cry out repeatedly : " Stall I then be beaten at the end of my career !" 
Jt was represented to calm him, that to he repulsed in an attack was not to be 
vanquished ; but this was a reverse that he could not support, and obeying the 
courage of his youth, which seemed to animate his old age, be resolved to put 
himself at the head of his grenadiers ; but an aid s 'de-eamp of the emperor stop- 
ped his horse and prevented him. The off cers of his suite had the most precise 
orders to suffer him by no means to expose his person which was the safety and 
hope of the army. 






&OUVARO*\ 2*1 

self controlled in his plans* and uncertain what was expected 
of him, and of the course he should pursue, was obliged to 
stop short in the career of victory. He attempted no great 
cnterprizes, hut was contented to prevent the enemy from car* 
ryingon any active operations.* General Melas was placed 
at the passage of the ISochetta, to observe the French army 
beaten at Novi, which had fallen hack to its old positions in 
Genoa ; hut which could be reinforced at any time and attempt 
again to advance. The marshal himself established his head- 
quarters at Asti, to watch and be able instantly to repress any 
attempts the enemy might make upon Piedmont by the Alps. 
In the meantime the siege of Torton a was vigourously press- 
ed. Notwithstanding the defeat of the army destined to relieve 
it, and the detached and unfavourable situation of this fortress, 
the chief of brigade Gast, faithful to that sentiment of honour 
rare at present, and that sacred duty which commands a sol- 
dier never to yield, until he has exhausted all means of 
defence and resources of courage ; this brave officer (for he 
deserves the title) held out three weeks after the battle of No- 
vi, and surrendered only on the 11th of September. 

This place having fallen there now remained to the French 
after having been four years absolute master of the country, 
only the place of Coni to cover their own frontiers, and Ge- 
noa to facilitate the assemblage of troops and fresh incur- 
sions into Italy. In the space of live months the wise plans and 
unwearied activity, the just combinations and vigour of Sou- 
varof had reduced them to this situation, and the successive 
destruction of four French armies been accompanied with the 

* It is necessary to add, that the rules of the military art required, that Genoa 
should be acquired previously to engaging in operations against France. Sou. 
varof, whose inaction could not proceed from negligence, thought seriously of 
taking that place. It was with that view, that wishing to engage admiral 
Nelson to second him with his fleet, and to compliment him upon the victory 
of Aboukir, he wrote him the following laconic letter: " I hope that the bareii 
" of the Nile will he very soon duke of the river of Poncnto." 
II It 



i±Z THE LIFE OF 

loss of nearly the whole of Italy- The brightest laurel wag 
now added to the conqueror's crown, in triumphing over a 
people the bravest and most expert in ihe art of war of all he 
had }et combated. He had now g»ven a splendid proof to 
Europe, that notwithstanding the calumnies and lying asser- 
tions of his enemies, his science was not confined to vanquish- 
ing the Turks and Poles, and that he knew how to elevate his 
conceptions to the range of the ablest adversaries.* His 

* How can enlightened persons doubt this, either of Souvarof, or of any 
other great man ? How can they persuade themselves that a general who had 
ranquished enemies yet rude in the art of war by the skill of his combinations, 
should not be equally capable of vanquishing others ? Are the genius and 
talent received from nature circumscribed then in their action to a certain cli- 
mate or country, to particular men or locations ? Are they not rather of the 
same essence, universal, and capable of varying and modifying themselves 
according to the objects and circumstances of their application? All men of 
genius have proved this since the world was created, and Souvarof belonging 
to this class only proved it in his turn. 

Still, however, there are some military men candid and unprejudiced, who, 
without contesting the glory of Souvarof, have criticised and discussed accord- 
ing to the principles of the military art his campaigns in Italy. Among 
others, the general Mathien Dumas, an officer of experience and enlightened 
judgment, has, in a work expressly written on the campaign of Italy, (Freds 
des Evtncmcns miiilaircs, ^c.) blamed Souvarof for having scattered his forces 
'oomuch ;Tor having undertaken the siege of too many places at once ; for not 
having been sufficiently persevering in the pursuit of Moreau and the dispersion 
of his army ; and in fine, for having not sooner attacked Macdonald, whose 
junction with Moreau he was by all means bound to prevent. 

Let us examine these objections ; let us enquire what would have been 
the result of the campaign of Souvarof, if he had turned his whole attention to 
hinder the union of Moreau and Macdonald. Certainly his reputation as a 
tactician would have been much increased. He would have made scientific 
marches and counter-marches, occupied fine positions, gained some battles and 
having the superiority of forces probably prevented the junction of the two 
generals. But would the great interests of the coalition have been advanced ? 
By keeping both Moreau and Macdonald in check he would have beaten nci- 
} ber ; nor would he have gained any ground ; while the French continued to 



SOUVAROF. 

glory had reached its summit, and from all parts he received 
the most flattering proofs. The king of Sardinia, who. n hu 
desired very much to restore to his throne, and to whom he 

possess an extensive territory. Moreau, reinforced from France, would have 
been soon in a situation to resume the offensive, or disputing it with Sow 
wouldhave placed him between two fires. The time policy of Souvarof, having 
a large army, was to follow the plan winch he actually adopted. To advance, 
beat and outflank the enemy, and paralizc his movements, is the true secret of 
war with superiority of numbers, and what was certainly the proper line of con- 
duct for Souvarof. There was more wisdom indeed, in rendering the union of 
Moreau and Macdonald useless, than in preventing it entirely. Of what con. 
sequence was the arrival of Macdonald within the Apennines when Moreau had 
been driven to the other side, and rendered incapable of keeping the field? It 
was on the contrary, his interest to draw him on to the plains of Parma to give 
him battle to greater advantage, and we remain convinced, that if Macdonald 
had persevered in keeping within the Roman states and Tuscany with hi 
whole army, and Moreau had returned within the frontiers of France with his, 
leaving strong garrisons in Mantua, Tortona, Alexandria, Turin, and Genoa, 
and provisioning these places, that the army of the allies, threatened on both 
sides, and having not a single strong post in'Lombardy, would have been forced 
to evacuate it. The kind of defence adopted by Moreau and the system of offence 
of Macdonald, together with the rapid march of Souvarof produced together 
the effects ardently desired by the allies. It is very certain, that if it had not 
been for political intrigues, both the east and the south of France would have 
been invaded. But the French generals could not have calculated on these 
political intrigues. And it is fair to judge of the plan of campaign of a geneial 
by the result, if he is opposed to a skilful and experienced enemy. If Souvarof 
had committed great faults, if among others he had neglected to follow up 
Moreau, is it to be believed, that Moreau on one side of him and Macdonald 
on the other should both have neglected to profit by them ? But in fact, did 
Moreau prevent him from conquering Lombardy and Piedmont, and capturing 
all their strong places ; from restoring the communications with the army of 
the arch duke; from taking off the flower of his army without any apprehension 
for his rear, to combat Macdonald ; from returning afterwords to menace the 
frontiers of France with an invasion which Moreau was no longer able topic 
vent? It seems to us, that when Souvarof performed so much, in spite o 
efforts of the enemy, he had combined sufficiently well, the means of weakening 
«md enfeebling him. 

But general Dumas adds to the recapitulation of the faults of which he 



2ii THE LIFE OF 

had often written, and indeed forwarded a regular account of 
his operations from the, time he entered Piedmont, elevated 
him to the office of grand marshal of his troops, and the rank 

accuses Souvarof, (pages 210, 211, 213, of /m work,)" that if after having 
" passed the Adda, and separated the army of Moreau from the places of 
•« Mantua, Ferrara, and Bologna, the marshal had employed all his forces to 
t( pursue Moreau and outflank him, the latter would have been unable to main- 
*« tain so long his position between Alexandria and Valentia, and perhaps 
i* been driven from the state of Genoa. In this manner Souvarof could 
'« detach a corps to watch the movements of Moreau, embarrass his marches 
** by arming the Piedmontese, and thus reserving to himself time and 
" means to appear in force against Macdonald, he -would have deprived him 
« from the first, of all hope of effecting a junction with Moreau. It will be 
« objected in vain that the sieges of Peschiera, Mantua, Ferrara, Pizzigitone, 
" Milan, Tortona, Turin, and Alexandria, employed more than the half of 
" the army of the Austro- Russians; for, in fact, there was no necessity to 
« besiege those places, and by merely blockading them and preventing their 
<« communication with each other, or with the French army, they Would have 
" all fallen by a general capitulation, as happened to prince Eugene in 1706." 

In answer to this we will ask, whether it would have been right in Souvarof 
to have penetrated into theinterior or south of Italy, having the army of Moreau 
immediately before him, and in a situation to receive any reinforcements from 
France ? whether, notwithstanding the obstacles the fortified towns already 
gave him, he should have interposed the Apennines also, between them? Had 
Souvarof been guilty of that imprudence, Macdonald would have retreated 
as he advanced and led him on even to Naples. He would have drawn on his 
enemy, until from the want of magazines, places of refuge and support, he must 
have been totally ruined. But farther, what would have been the conduct of 
Moreau ? would it have been impossible for him to force the corps of observa- 
tion, raised all the blockades, and posting himself on the Apennines, kept 
Souvarof prisoner in the lower part of Italy ? Those who will weigh these 
considerations attentively, will be convinced that Souvarof ought by no means 
to have been uneasy at the march of Macdonald upon Tuscany since his mea. 
sures were taken to receive him on his arrival. It was certainly better .to leave 
the French to evacuate the south of Italy voluntarily, than to have detained 
them forcibly in it. But in adopting this bold calculation, ought he therefore 
to have joined to it an extreme imprudence ? Although he did not think proper 
to hinder Macdonald from advancing, yet he was bound to prepare to meet 



SOUVAROF. 2i5 

T>f prince and noble of his kingdom. The city of Turin pre- 
sented him with a sword enriched with diamonds. The empe- 
ror Francis, who could add nothing to the dignities he had 
already conferred, expressed his gratitude to him in the m 
flattering letters. But the emperor Paul, his sovereign, 
distinguished him especially, created him prince of the Rus- 
sian empire, added to his surname of Rymnikski, that of Ita- 
liski, and accompanying these honours with the present of his 
portrait set round with diamonds, wrote to him that he 
requested him to wear it as a testimonial of the gratitude of 
a sovereign to a subject, who had made his reign glorious. 
He ordered te deum to be sung at St. Petersburg witli great 
pomp, as a solemn thanksgiving for the victories of the mar- 
shal ; and commanded the name of Souvarof to be inserted in 
the public prayers, after those of the imperial family. Who 
could have foreseen that this splendour was the forerunner of 
mortification, chagrin, and bitter disappointment for Souva- 
rof, and of the melancholy results which the folly of the princes 
he had so well served, was about to produee from his victo- 
ries ? 

We have now arrived at one of the most singular epochs 
of the war of that revolution, so fruitful in singular events. 
We come now to that period, when the coalesced powers, after 
having succeeded beyond all probable calculation, and enfee- 
bled their enemy more thtftn they had even hoped for in the 
commencement, wearied as it were with their success, and 
hurried on, some by ambition, others by jealousy, all by the 
spirit of discord, themselves overturn the whole fabric of their 
success, and prepare to receive instead of it nothing but 
defeat and disgrace. 

him ; and for this reason hesie^ed and spared no pains to take the strong 
places in the dutchy of Parma and Lombard?. Eugene, when he neglected or 
disdained to make himself master of those places, had no armv Striving in his 
\ car from the south of Italy. 



>i6 THE LIFE OF 

A PiiAsr is formed at London, approved at St. Petersburg 1 , 
supported at Berlin, and adopted at Vienna, by which the 
whole of the Russian armies united in Switzerland under the 
orders of Souvarof, were to pursue in that country the opera- 
tions commenced by the arch duke ; while the Austrians should 
remain alone charged with the conduct of the war in Italy, 
and at the same time the arch duke at the head of another 
army make a diversion upon the Rhine. 

It is evident that this plan was not founded upon true mili- 
tary principles. These do not permit a general to be drawn 
from a country which he has just filled with his own fame, at 
the time when he was on the point of reaping the fruits of his 
victories ; to be drawn off too with an army so enfeebled by 
its own victories, that it could scarcely be considered a rein- 
forcement to the army which it joined.* This plan, there- 
fore, had its origin in motives of policy. And what motives 
could there be, unless it were to enfeeble Austria in Italy, 
the great object of her ambition ; to snatch from her Switzer- 
land, the possession of which she would be inclined to covet 

* Souvarof to spare the Austrians had been so prodigal of the blood of the 
Russians, that his army, forty thousand strong when they entered Italy, was 
reduced to twelve thousand men when they left it for Switzerland. In the pain- 
ful and difficult passage of the Alps, having continually to fight their way, they 
would lose, at a moderate calculation, even if victorious, four thousand men. 
There would remain therefore only eight thousand men, harassed with 
fatigue, to join an army already worn down, in a country entirely new to the 
general, and in face of an enemy constantly pressing on him. To send the 
Russians to such a combat was almost certainly to sacrifice them ; or if it had 
been foreseen that Souvarof would have extricated himself from the difficulty, 
it was at least, certainly to disable himfrom acting with effect against the. 
enemy. Austria advantageously situated for that purpose, should alone have 
had the burthen of recruiting her army in Switzerland ; and instead of order- 
ing Souvarof to join Korjakof in Switzerland, it was Korjakof who should 
havebeen ordered to join Souvarof in Italy. We may imagine what Souvarof 
would have effected if he had had a reinforcement of forty thousand men after 
the battle of NovL 



SOUVAROF. 

too ; and to oblige her to employ her forces in favour of the 
coalition in a disinterested manner. But what could have 
been the calculation of a power who would choose that moment 
to add still more to the alarms of Europe ! and what soil of 
preservative was this, furnished by these powers to the dan- 
gers that menaced them all, to thus break the chain of military 
operations, to derange the forces charged to execute them, to 
want the prudence to dissemble even for a few months and to 
sow abroad division and dissention at once. They had all 
sufficient reason to repent afterwards of their faults. When 
the coalition ceased to be wise, it ceased to be fortunate. 

If, at least, Souvarof on arriving in Switzerland had found 
considerable forces and an active and honest co-operation on 
the part of the Austrians, he would doubtless, have assumed 
the offensive in that country with as much success as in Italy, 
and the allies equally have looked forward to a happy and 
glorious result. But under pretext that a French corps had 
passed the Rhine and menaced Germany, the arch duke 
advanced to Manheim before the arrival of Souvarof, with 
the greater part of his forces, leaving only in Switzerland 
about twenty-five thousand indifferent troops under the orders 
of general Hotzc.* 

The marshal "yielded, although with many regrets, to the 
subordination of a soldier, and executed without delay the 

* Who can believe that the small corps of French which passed the Rhine, 
at Philipsburg, was sufficiently dangerous to call for the presence of the arch 
duke himself, and the employment of the greater part of his forces? what 
marches, what operations could this army make to give serious uneasiness to 
Austria at so great a distance, when Austria, till then victorious in Italy and 
Switzerland, menaced Fiance herself with an invasion on a frontier line of 
an hundred leagues and on her weakest pait ? It is cle.^rto us that this conduct 
was a display of ill-humour and spite, a project to humiliate the Russians, and 
perhaps asecrct desire to entrap their envied chief. 



2*8 THE LIFE OF 

order he had received. He took an affecting leave of the Aus* 
trian army of Italy, and set out from Asti for Switzerland o» 
the 8th of September, with all his Russians. 

To have a correct idea of his plan, the changes which he 
found it necessary to make in his march as he advanced, the 
obstacles he had to surmount, the dangers he ran, and the 
address with which he extricated himself from them, in a 
campaign which every impartial man must regard as the 
highest proof of his talents, and his master-piece,— it is 
necessary to have an exact idea of the affairs of Switzerland 
at thisepocha. 

Since Belgium had been ceded to France by Austria, and 
the German body separated them by a barrier too extensive 
to cross, these ancient rivals came in contact and collision 
only on the plains of Italy. Now Italy is commanded by the 
chain of mountains, which, rising from the shores of the Me- 
diterranean sweep round her in a semi-circular form, to the 
gulf of the Adriatic. This chain is the true military position 
by which Italy is permeable. A part of it was possessed by 
Austria; who from the Tyrol, could pour without obstacle 
numerous battalions into the fertile-fields watered by the Po. 
France had not this advantage, but ardently desired it. The 
obstacle in her way was Switzerland, which stretching from 
the Tyrolese Alps to the frontiers of France, left no part of 
these mountains at the disposition of the French. It was then 
necessary to the French republic, who wished to continue the 
war with Austria to get possession of Switzerland ; and this 
had been already planned during the meeting of the congress 
for a peace in Europe. As soon, therefore, as the war was 
decided on anew, the expulsion of the French from Switzer- 
land became naturally the fundamental plan of campaign of 
the Austrians. The execution of it was entrusted to the 
arch duke Charles and the flower of the army given to him. 
His first steps were fortunate. After having chased the 



SOUVAROF. 249 

French from Suabia, ho Cell upon Switzerland along the lake 
of Constance and triumphing at Zurich over the skilful gene- 
ral whom the French had opposed to him, he had already 
opened a way bv this point to the plains of Switzerland and 
turned the Alps, when it was agreed that he should take 
the command of the Austrian army in Germany, and aban- 
don the direction of the war in Switzerland to Souvarof. 

It was evident that the plan of Souvarof was to turn the 
French positions in the south of Switzerland as the arch duke 
had done in the north, and pouring from the mountains into 
the plain at Lucerne, there to unite himself with the victorious 
army at Zurich, and advancing together, arrive at Berne, a 
central point, whose possession in a manner ensured that of 
the rest of Switzerland. But this army, which Souvarof 
believed still victorious was no longer so. Anxious to frus- 
trate the plans of Souvarof which lie penetrated, the French 
general Massena had advanced upon Zurich with forty thou- 
sand men. He there found an equal number of Russian troops 
newly arrived. But commanded by whom ? By a young man 
whom the mere whim of his master, and the slavish respect he 
evinced for the new innovations of this master, had elevated to 
the supreme command. 

After some efforts badly directed, to arrest the descent of 
the French, (coming down the mountain with the intention of 
attacking) this school-boy general Korjakof imagined a man- 
ner to receive them, by forming his troops in solid columns ; 
and thus foolishly and awkwardly imitating the manoeuvre he 
had seen practised with success by the greatest generals of his 
country against the loose and irregular cavalry of the Turks, 
he thought by it to overpower a brave and well-trained infan- 
try, expert marksmen, and a numerous and well served artil- 
lery. He had taken every measure to be destroyed completely; 
and he was so. The victory was so complete on the side of 

the French that the remains of the Russian army were not 

I i 



ibo THE LIFE OF 

sufficient to give them any uneasiness, and after the occupa- 
tion of Zurich, Massena retraced his steps to wait for Souva- 
rof, in the full expectation of taking him prisoner. 

In the mean time, the marshal was advancing rapidly into 
the heart of Switzerland. Ignorant of the defeat and dis- 
grace of Korjakof he never doubted but that the Russians had 
maintained their positions, even if they had not made further 
progress or gained fresh successes. With this impression he 
arrived at BelJinyone with twelve thousand infantry and fif- 
teen hundred Cossacks. At Bellinyone the Austrians had 
engaged to furnish him with fifteen hundred mules to trans- 
port his provisions and ammunition over the mountains. But 
instead of finding them ready as he had been led to expect, 
there was not a single mule, nor any preparation made* 

He waited eight days for the arrival of these mules, a delay 
most unfortunate in its consequences, since it gave time to 
Massena to collect and concentrate his troops and entirely cut 
up Korjakof in the manner just related. Those who were 
immediately about him at this time, believe that the chagrin 
and mortification he felt in abandoning Italy (which as another 
Hannibal, he regarded as his prey, and which like Hannibal, 
he quitted only in consequence of superior orders) had for the 
time soured and changed the whole character of Souvarof ; 
otherwise he would have had recourse immediately to the 
expedient which he adopted at the end of eight days, of dis- 
mounting his Cossacks, and by dint of large promise of reward, 
engaging them to follow him on foot, and make use of their 
horses to transport the necessary baggage and ammunition. 

* The vigour which he displayed in this campaign, proves that he had lost 
nothing of his energy. We believe that he could have had no suspicion that 
the affairs of Switzerland would become so desperate under the short guidance 
of Korjakof. Nevertheless, Souvarof committed a fault, to wait as he did. But 
how much greater was that of the Austrians, who thus unpardonably violated 
th eh solemn engagements. 



SOUVAROF. 25J 

When he had finished these arrangements he caused to be 
i-ead to Iiiui the plan for the general campaign of Switzerland. 
drawn up under his direction, by colonel Weyrother, of the 
Austrian staff, an otticcr who possessed his perfect confi- 
dence.* He adopted the essentials of this plan. Be struck 
out the measures to be taken to ensure safety in case of retreat, 
(he would never permit the word to be used) and the dispo- 
sitions for securing- his line of communication in the rear, by 
leaving detachments and occupying posts on each side of the 
line. On the contrary, he ordered that after the passage of a 
difficult defile the communication should he broken up : (which 
was executed, particularly at the Devil's bridge.) His rea- 
son was the unskilfulness and incapacity of the Russians for 
a war of posts, among mountains, totally ignorant, as they 
were of the language of the country. " With my Russians 
" around me," said he, " I can depend on them and answer 
" for every : thing. If they arc detached, they will be turned and 
u cut up, and the army destroyed by degrees." The plan 
which he at last resolved on, was to force in person, the 
passes of the mountain St. Gothard, while general Rosenberg, 
at the head of a second column should turn the posts of the 
mountain, by crossing above, in the country of the Grisons. 
The army accordingly commenced its march. The French 
general Lecourbe, who occupied the passes, attacked by the 
Russians, after an obstinate resistance retired with his corps, 
part over Mount Furca, upon the sources of the Rhone, and 
part upon Altorf. At Ursen, Souvarof wasjoined by Rosen- 
heim and continued his march over the Devil's bridge, one 
side of which the French had destroyed and rendered impass- 
able. It was restored, and after passing it, again broken up. 
Soon after, they were joined by an advanced party of Aus- 
trians under the command of general Auffenberg, who after- 

* We have received these particulars and thoso immediately following, from 
a judicious and intelligent officer, who accompanied Souvarof in the. wli >1< 
the Swiss campaign, ami wag in eye witae le foci here related, 



252 THE LIFE OF 

wards led the van of the column of march and performed 
important services. The enemy were constantly beaten and 
driven before the Russians, who arriving at Altorf at the 
extremity of the lakej of Lucerne, took the road to Schwitz 
by the Muttenthal or valley of Mutten. 

He entered into the valley, and there first learned the 
defeat of Korjakof and the death of general Hotze, who had 
been killed in the commencement of the battle. The astonish- 
ment and anger of Souvarof may be conceived. All the con- 
sequences of this disastrous event rushed at once upon his 
mind. In the first impulse, dwelling upon the honour of his 
country, and willing to save it at any price, he sent an order 
to Korjakof to return against the enemy, whatever might be 
the state of his army, and rendering him responsible with his 
head, for every retrogade step he took. As to himself, regard- 
ing a retreat as dishonourable, he resolved to commence the 
offensive, and looked around to see on what side his blows 
should fall. 

He had the choice, for in fact he was completely surrounded 
by enemies ; and in the midst of great and pressing danger. 
On the horses of the dismounted Cossacks he had brought pro- 
visions for eight days, expecting to meet general Hotze at 
Schwitz, where he would have been abundantly supplied. 
Hotze had been killed and his army routed. General Linken 
had set out from the country of the Grisons for Glarus, to 
establish the communication by the lake Kloenthaler, with 
the Muttenthal, where Souvarof was. But content with 
gaining some trilling advantage over the French, this general 
had since remained in his positions opposite to the enemy, hav- 
ing Glarus between them. During this time, Lecourbe had 
returned in force upon Altorf. This was an additional motive 
for Linken, who had intelligence of it, to attack the enemy and 
force open a communication by Glarus with the army of Sou- 
varof. But not only did he neglect to do this ^ but having 



SOUVAROF. 

heard the defeat of the Russians at Zurich, and thinking that 
as he was unable to as isl Souvarof, fee should aw>i.l 
hemmed in himself, and surrounded, he fell hack upon the 
Grisons, contenting himself with merely giving notice of his 
retreat to the marshal. Here then was Souvarof alone, shut 
up in a valley, enclosed. by high, craggy, and inaccessible 
rocks, from which it was impossible to emerge but by three 
paths, all of them occupied by forces more than sufficient to 
guard them. The first led back toAltorf and was occupied 
by general Lccourbe; the second led to Glarus, and was held 
by general Molitor ; and the third led to Schwitz, to which 
Massena, secure of his prey, was advancing by forced 
marches with his whole army. 

All Europe, with eyes fixed upon this point, believed that 
there was now no escape for Souvarof. He a: me neither des- 
paircd of himself or his fortune. Mace dangerous and terrible 
as the peril approached, he advanced boldly upon the head of 
the column of the army of Massena, attacked it and put it to 
flight with the loss of four hundred prisoners, many killed and 
wounded, and several pieces of cannon thrown over the preci- 
pices. This success gave him a short respite, but in no way 
changed his deplorable situation. There was scarcely any 
thing short of a miracle, that could save him ; and it was 
through him at last, that this was effected. 

There was only one way which offered a possibility of 
escape; which was to force the mountain path leading to 
Glarus. But on examination it appeared to be impracticable. 
The road, or path was so narrow, that two men could scarcely 
walk abreast in it. On the left were perpendicular rocks ; on 
the right the lake of Klocntlialer. The French had broken up 
and fortified the pathway with trees and large rocks, and the 
whole of it was commanded by their artillery posted on the 
opposite side of the lake. While attacking the enemy in fronl 
in the narrow path, the flank of the assailants would be then 
necessarily exposed to the whole fire of this artillery. 



>5i THE LIFE OF 

Souvarof shewed this path to his soldiers, then shewed 
the son of their emperor at his side,* he and his veteran pro- 
tector both ready to fall into the hands of the enemy, and hoth 
destined to adorn the triumphal car of the conqueror. Indig- 
nant at the danger of their general and their prince, the Rus- 
sians exalted by enthusiastic honour, demanded with loud 
outcries to be led to b attle. Their audacity, impetuosity, and 
persevering bravery surmounted every obstacle. The French 
were driven from the path, and the activity of the pursuit was 
such, that the successive posts were overthrown by the enemy 
himself in his rapid and precipitate flight. Souvarof arrived 
at Glarus. Here he wavered an instant upon the part he 
should take. His daring genius and unconquerable courage 
tempted him to resume the offensive. He was tempted to 
attack the French in the valley, and arriving at the point 
where it touches the lake of Zurich, rally around him the 
remaining Austrians of the corps of Hotze, and the Russians 
under Korjakof. But he cast his eyes upon his army ; he saw 
it enfeebled, and worn down by fatigue ; and every fresh 
account convinced him that the defeat of Korjakof was more 
complete and disastrous than he had before credited. Souva- 
rof was obliged to yield to his hard destiny. He determined 
to retire into the country of the Grisons, and passing the great 
Alps, he arrived through Caire at Lindau, on the 10th Octo- 
ber. 

It is surprising that the marshal athis advanced age, stood 
the fatigue of this astonishing march. He was often obliged 
to march on foot ; but whenever the road permitted it, the 
Cossacks placed him on a sort of sedan and carried him upon 
their shoulders. While he was shut up in the Muttenthal, and 
in the most critical situation, in which a general can be 

* The grand duke Constantine made with Souvarof the perilous march 
through Switzerland, and after the example of that great man, who guided 
his footsteps in the career of glory, never manifested the least fear or anxiety. 
What a prize forthe French, if they had conducted this prince and Souvarof 
captives to Pai is. 



SOUVAROF. 

placed, no sign or symptom of apprehension was ever observed 
upon his countenance. He preserved his accustomed serenity 
and his wonted habits. He pushed indeed strength of soul 
and self-command so far, as not even to testify any impatience 
to make efforts to deliver himself from the peril that sur- 
rounded him. A Cossack carried the casket which contained 
the decorations of the different orders conferred upon him, 
together with his diamonds and jewels. Ue possessed great 
riches of this kind, which he valued very highly, as they were 
principally the fruit of the munificence of Catharine* He 
amused himself one day in spreading them out on a table in 
the middle of the valley ; as if he meant to brave the enemy 
who regarded this treasure as their prey. This was certainly 
not because he was ignorant of the danger, which was known 
to every officer of the army. But it was all-important to 
maintain the confidence of the soldiery, who happily reason 
seldom, and never discuss the operations of their chiefs but 
when they suppose them unskilful. Frederick shut up in his 
camp of Liegnitz, shewed the same security as Souvarof in 
the Muttenthal. They were characters of the same mould ; 
they surmounted with the same energy and success, obstacles 
invincible to the generality of mankind. 

It was at Lindau that Souvarof, having given sufficient 
repose to his troops, and convinced himself of the unwilling- 
ness of the Austrians to co-operate with zeal to the success of 
the cause of the coalition, declared publicly and firmly his 
intention to return with the army to Russia, and soon after- 
wards commenced his march for the interior of Germany. 

When this determination was known, and they began to per- 
ceive the effects it would have, and the consequent abandon- 
ment of the coalition by the emperor of Russia, they repented 
at Vienna of their procedure towards Souvarof. But he 
remained firm in the resolution he had taken. To all those 
who on the part of the courts of Vienna or i, i nde*- 



25G THE LIFE OF 

voured to prevail upon him to change it, he replied, u I have 
(i been deceived once, but there would be too much shame at 
" my age, and with my experience, to expose myself to be 
" duped again. They have broken their word and been false 
" to me on every point. They refused to furnish me in Italy 
* with the necessary means to accelerate ny march 
" through Switzerland. They left Korjakof exposed, before 
6i it was in my power to sustain him ; they compromised the 
" honour and the existence of a brave army, thus insulting my 
" sovereign even more than myself. 1 owe it to his honour 
" and to nty own sense of duty, to earn back to him, at least 
'•' the feebte remnant of the troops he confided to my eom- 
" mand ; and which have but too well served the cause of the 
u allies ." 

What particularly disgusted Souvarof was, that fondness 
for parleying and holding conferences, which has been so inju- 
rious to Austria during the war of the revolution : and which 
generally speaking, is so deplorable in a state of affairs where 
every thing depends upon acting. " Conferences," he was 
once heard to exclaim, " treaties, negociations ! — An Aus- 
" trian officer receives a flag and enters into discussion ; and 
" earing this time the French pass the Rhine, and beat his 
'• division : the general is still parleying when the enemy 
" makes him a prisoner. Csesar said you must not parley 
••' with the barbarians : I sav as much of every enemy. Like 
" Caesar, I make no plan of details : I see things only in the 
" large scale, because a crowd of events always interfere to 
" modify and ehange the best concerted plans." 

Nevertheless, the marshal, resisting all solicitations, and 
~ing the march of his army, advanced towards the inte- 
rior of Germany. During this march he was silent and 
I ved. Lying in the bottom of his kibitka wrapped up in 
•anile, inaccessible to the public view, he shewed himself 
and spoke still 1 nd this lofty but noble and gensr- 



SOUVAKOF. 2j; 

uus character, whom his own reverses would have found firm 
and unchangeable, now appeared weighed down by the mis- 
fortunes of a cause which he had embraced with ardour and 

good faith, because he believed it to be the cause of justiee and 
honour. lie took up his cantonments at first, between the 
Danube, the Lech, and the Iller, ami afterwards, on tlie 7th 
of November, fixed his head-quarters at Augsbourg, there to 
await the ulterior orders of his sovereign. 

But fifteen days after, he announced officially, that his army 
was about quitting Suabia and Bavaria, and continue its 
retreat. He had received orders from Petersburg to carry the 
army into Bohemia, and there pass the winter. He arrived 
at Prague on the 20th of December. In this city he received 
general the count Bellegarde, and lord Minto, the English 
ambassador at Vienna, who came each in the name of his 
respective sovereign, to induce Souvarof personally, to enter- 
tain sentiments more favourable to the common cause, and to 
endeavour to influence Paul to change the resolution he seemed 
to have taken to break with the allies. 

The marshal now become more calm, no longer refused to 
transmit to the emperor the fresh solicitations of the two 
courts 5 but Paul was inflexible. The defeat of his troops in 
Holland, which happened soon after that of Switzerland, and 
which was caused by an abandonment, on the part of the Eng- 
lish, still more marked and apparent than tiiat of the Aus- 
trians, had completely exasperated him against'faithless allies, 
who hoped by stimulating his self-love and vanity, to draw 
him on to sacrifice his troops to further their individual inter- 
ests. For this time, they were deceived in the character of 
Paul, who saw clearly the snare laid for him, and whose 
extravagance of disposition only shewed itself in demanding 
more complete satisfaction for the injuries he had received. 
He demanded peremptorily, that all the Austrian generals 

who commanded in Switzerland at the time of the battle of 
K k 



2bS THE LIFE OF 

Zurich, should be dismissed, and arraigned before a council cf 
war. He demanded besides, that the republic of Venice 
should be re-established, and Piedmont restored to the king of 
Sardinia. From this moment it was impossible to come to 
any good understanding. The hostility which pervaded the 
two courts broke out very soon between the Austrian and 
Russian generals, and afterwards extended even to the soldiers. 
It became necessary to separate them, to prevent bloody pri- 
vate quarrels, and open violence. 

On the 21st of January, 1800, there came from Petersburg 
an order to Souvarof to march the Russians back to their own 
country. He made therefore immediately, the dispositions for 
the march of the troops in columns by the way of Moravia 
and Silesia ; and the necessary arrangements all completed, 
he himself set forward and travelling with great expedition 
through Poland he arrived at St. Petersburg. 

Thus ended the second coalition against France ; muck 
more formidable than the first, if we take into the aceount, 
not only the immense forces of Russia, but the character of 
the sovereign who governed it, and that of the general who 
directed its operations. We have sufficiently detailed these 
plans and Operations and their constant harmony and agree- 
ment one with another* Like a superior mind which from an 
elevation views the whole nature of things, Souvarof waged 
war against the French, according to a general plan formed 
from a consideration of their character, their means, and the 
character and means of the troops he led against them, and 
according to other political, moral, or natural considerations 
which presented themselves. What was to be done, he suc- 
ceeded in doing. So long as he was master of his own dispo- 
sitions and movements, success always attended him. When 
embarrassed by the faithlessness of others, h* still found in 
himself resources to enable him to escape from the difficulty, 
and bear down every obstacle. He who refuses him justice, 
isjincapable of judging him. 



SOUVAROF. 250 

The detestable policy of the courts of Europe in all the 
intrigues which occasioned the disasters of this coalition, a 
policy so contrary to the true interest of these powers, will 
remain forever a subject of surprise to posterity, and a strik- 
ing proof that at certain epochas, the hand of Providence 
presses upon nations and the councils of princes, to conduct 
them towards some fixed and determinate end, which we seek 
in vain to discover. Convinced of this awful and profound 
truth, which experience has amply demonstrated, and now 
daily demonstrates, we will abstain from extending our 
reflections upon these singular events ; and the more willing- 
ly, insomuch as the conjectures to which they gave rise, have 
not since been verified : and every wise man must acknow- 
ledge that such has been the lot of all those which have been 
formed within the last nineteen years,* upon the extraordi- 
nary events which the world has in that time beheld. It will 
be the case too, in all probability, for a longtime yet to come; 
but fortunately for the consolation of the vulgar, it is certain 
that those who appear to hold in their hands the chain of 
events, are not more instructed in their last results than those 
who are only permitted to behold them at adistance. 

* J 790 to 1800. 



THE LIFE OF SOUVAROF. %6l 



CHAPTER VII. 



Souvarqf arrives at St. Petersburg — Is seized with a dangerous 
illness — His last moments and death — Portrait of Souvarof— 
His characters manners, and habits — Anecdotes respecting 
him — Comparison with other celebrated generals of the eigh- 
teenth century — Conclusion. 

OF all the species of persecution which a man of real merit 
can experience, the most cruel is to find himself the victim of 
the caprices and false judgment of a single individual, against 
whose decisions there is no appeal, because they arc dictated 
by self-love and supported by uncontrolled power. Such 
was the situation of Souvarof with Paul I. Souvarof, the 
pride of his country, the most zealous of patriots, the most 
ardent and the strongest supporter of the reputation and pre- 
eminence of Russia, now beheld his own reputation and great- 
ness become the sport of a prince, who enraged at being 
duped, was blindly indifferent in the choice of the victims to 
his p-assion. We have been assured that the great crime with 
which Paul reproached Souvarof, was of not having informed 
him in time of the self-interested policy of Austria with res- 
pect to Piedmont ;~ as if Souvarof at the head of an army 
in the field, was likely to be better instructed in the secrets of 
the cabinet than the diplomatists employed expressly for that 
purpose by Paul himself; — or, as if his first duty was not to 
defeat these intrigues by the force of genius, courage, and 
activity, before they had time to produce their effect. Besides, 
was it possible for Souvarof to defeat that fatal intrigue which 
so unfortunately changed the destination of himself and his 
army after the victories of Italy ? and ought not all the blame 



262 THE LIFE OF 

of this affair to rest upon Paul ? We will say further, that if 
Paul had been capable of resolving upon an energetic plan of 
campaign from the first, and of subduing his prejudices 
against Souvarof, he would at the opening of the campaign 
have sent him at the head of an hundred thousand men 
through the north of Germany to the Rhine, 

However this might be, it now suited the emperor Paul to 
consider Souvarof as guilty, and to punish him. Arrived on 
the frontiers of Russia, the illustrious warrior experienced 
the most humiliating mortifications, even to the refusal of the 
military honours due to his rank. At St. Petersburg the empe- 
ror Paul received him with great inditference and neglect. He 
affected not to enquire concerning his campaigns, still less of 
the details of the operations. It seemed as if this active 
general had done nothing ; as if he had not returned from bat- 
tle as he was wont to do, victorious and successful. This was 
the second time that his victories had been only the source of 
mortifications to him ; and after all the disappointments he 
had met with for the last few months, this fresh affliction was 
more than he could bear. At the end of his career this un- 
daunted character, whom no passion but the thirst for glory 
had ever completely swayed, was unable to resist the chagrin 
of this attempted stab at his reputation and glory. He was 
soon taken dangerously ill. All medical advice and assist- 
ance, which were promptly afforded were inefficacious, — for 
the seat of disease was in a wounded spirit, not in the body. 
Souvarof had received many wounds, but this one was mortal, 
since it invaded and poisoned the sources from which his life 
was supported- 

The emperor hearing of the danger of the marshal, relented 
from his harshness and indifference so far as to extend to 
him some attentions and consolations in his last moments. He 
sent to him his two sons, Alexander now upon the throne, and 
Constantino, who had just left as it were, the school of Souva- 



SOUVAROF. *y 

rof, and who was enthusiastic in his attachment and venera- 
tion for him. The presence of these princes revived for an 
instant the expiring old man. It was in their arms that he 
expressed his last thoughts, which were still for the benefit of 
his country. It was to those who were to he the future arbi- 
ters of the destinies of Russia, that he expressed his grief to 
leave at his death this great empire, already attacked by the 
principle of degeneration, when it had not yet attained its ulti- 
mate period of greatness and glory. It was to their attenth u 
and astonished ears that he unfolded all his regrets, and the 
misery of having lived too long; since, having witnessed the 
rise and birth of his country's greatness, followed it in its 
development, and himself contributed vastly to advance it, he 
w r as now condemned to behold its decline ; — to see in prospec- 
tive the glories of his country melting into the darkness of 
ages, like the bright but passing meteor which appears only to 
terrify, and vanishes suddenly into the gloom of night. After 
this conversation, which appeared to solace and relieve him in 
the hope that the illustrious brothers who heard him, would 
one day avert, by their wisdom and talent, the melancholy 
prognostic he had made, the hero waited tranquilly the rapid 
approaches of death. 

Upon the return of the two grand dukes, the emperor, fore- 
seeing perhaps the reproach which history would cast upon him 
for his injustice and ingratitude to Souvarof, sent an officer 
to inform him that his imperial word was pledged to grant 
any favour he should demand. At these words the old war- 
rior struggles with death for an instant. Collecting his 
strength, he enumerates the benefits and marks of honour he 
had received from Catharine. " I was/' cried lie, "but a 
" simple soldier ; she saw the zeal I had to serve her. I owe 
u her more than life ; she gave me the means to make myself 
" illustrious. Tell her son that I accept his imperial pledge. 
" Lo^k at this portrait of Catharine ; it has never quitted me. 
" The favour I demand, is that it may be taried with me in 



26* THE LIFE OF 

" the tomb, and remain forever on my heart," Having said 
this he soon after expired.* 

AVhat a death ! — And what a spectacle does it present in the 
midst of convulsed and agitated Europe ? — The image of 
destruction is always fearful; but when we behold the columns 
of an ancient edifice tumble to the ground, we tremble for the 
building itself, lest deprived of its support, it should suddenly 
be precipitated in one undistinguished ruin. What hope is 
there for mankind, when a new race of men starting up, 
greedy to desolate and destroy, profit by the decay and fall of 
the ancient props of the social edifice, to accelerate the pro- 
gress of devastation ?-— The heart of the sage sickens, and 
withdrawing from the prospect, he awaits in silence and 
anxious suspence the gradual unfolding of the mysterious 
purposes of Heaven. 

The death of this great man was to be deplored as a publi© 
calamity. Of this every one must be convinced, who will 
believe that we have not represented him in this history under 
false and borrowed colours. But here opens upon us the 
most singula? discussion which a historian can be called on to 
maintain ; for the fidelity of our portrait is denied in advance, 
and its truth and resemblance pre-judged, before we have even 
completed our work. Many persons, influenced by different 
passions, have undertaken from imaginary outlines, to draw 
a portrait of our hero which they have succeeded in imposing 
upon a portion of Europe as the real aud legitimate likeness. 
Instead therefore, of terminating peaceably our work with an 
eulogy of the hero drawn from authentic facts of the history, 
as writers are generally permitted to do, we on the contrary, 
must now enter into battle. Armed from head to foot we must 

* This interesting anecdote, before unknown to us, confirms the represen- 
tation we have given, of the true character of Souvarof. We have re.eivcd it 
from the same person, who furnished others already related, and a « its fidelity 
may he depended on, have hastened to enrich our work with this affecting 
proof of the gratitude of the veteran warrior. 



SOUVAROF. 2«* 

cend into tlic lists, (hoping to triumph over th.it calumny 
iitid prejudice which has instigated our adversaries to distort 

the most notorious tacts, that they might compose according 
to their own false notions and with an assurance which is 
perfectly astonishing, the lying portrait of a man, whose, 
actions arc too recent not to render the imposture palpable. 

We have already in the course of this history, allowed 
ourselves some latitude in the digressions and notes which 
have been presented to the reader, and which we are sensible 
may have injured the simplicity and unity of the recital. For 
these we demand the indulgence of all candid minds. They 
will feel that it was a duty imperiously incumbent on us, to 
set right the public opinion wantonly led astray on the subject 
of a personage, whose history wc have undertaken, only 
because we judged it proper to serve in its kind as a model 
for the instruction and improvement of men. After what has 
been said already, on the subject, wc will be contented here with 
probing the true cause of the errors and absurdities which 
have been credited with respect to Souvarof; to select a few 
of the principal, and demonstrate their absurdity ; satisfied 
that the truth will then be enabled to regain its proper place. 

The celebrity of Souvarof out of his own country, com- 
menced only when he began to command armies in chief, and 
gain victories, which influenced in some measure the wars and 
the politics of nations. It does not therefore, ascend farther 
than to the period of the second war between the Russians and 
the Turks, which commenced in 1787 and finished in 1791. 
But we appeal to the public journals and records of the times, 
to the memory of all those who then followed with attention 
the course of events passing in Europe, and we challenge 
them all to say, if it was then ever heard that Souvarof was 
a sanguinary and barbarian warrior, who knew how to con- 
quer only by an unsparing effusion of blood, and enjoyed 

with complacency the erie9 and shrieks of the vanquished. 
L 1 



M& THE LIFE OF 

We see him on the contrary, represented as a rigid and severe 
warrior, who did not hesitate to employ the most decisive 
means to obtain success, but who knew how to second these 
means by all the resources of art ; as a warrior who never 
refused ace mmodationsor capitulations, nor pursued an ene- 
my submissive and disarmed ; and who in exacting from the 
troops he commanded their utmost possible exertions, was nei- 
ther so unskilfully rash nor foolishly proud as to attempt what 
was impossible. Such was then the reputation of Souvarof 
in Europe. For the truth of this we solemnly appeal to that 
crowd of strangers, who from all countries rushed to take 
part in that famous war which promised to decide the fate of 
Turkey ; we call in particular for the evidence of all the 
Austrian officers who witnessed at that time the exploits of 
Souvarof, and whom we have often listened to while they 
spoke with admiration and gratitude of himself and his 
actions. . 

The assault of Ismail, which from its consequences was 
forced into a proof of cruelty in Souvarof, was at the time 
considered as less destructive to the inhabitants, than that of 
Oczakof. All those too who are acquainted with the Turks 
know that their fanaticism renders all their wars national, 
and that it is impossible in taking a place from them by storm 
not to sacrifice a part of the inhabitants, because they arc 
mingled with the soldiery for the defence of the town. It is 
well known that marshal Munich, prince Eugene, the prince 
of Baden, Romanzof, Panin, Laudon, and others constantly 
carried on their wars against the Turks in the same manner, 
and surely it is not surprising if Souvarof, placed in similar 
circumstances, acted as they did. 

But this war was not yet finished, when that season of con- 
fusion and darkness began, when all the science and experi- 
ence of the past was accounted for nothing ; when men who 
had never learned any tiling, never reflected, and never done 



SOUVAUOK. 267 

any thing good or great, assumed their own opinions as the 
measure and standard for the whole human race : their own 
notions as the rule and criterion for the ideas of all ; their 
own actions as models for all to imitate; and bathing in the 
blood of a vast crowd of innocent and defenceless victims, 
dared with astonishing presumption, to stigmatize as cruel 
and inhuman those who never had been guilty of the death of 
any other than obstinate or culpable men in arms, and at the 
proper hazard and peril of their own life. 

It was at this period that Souvarof received from such 
judges the title of Jinthropophagus or Cannibal, But he had 
merited it from them by actions more strongly exciting their 
sensibilities than the cruelties they falsely charged him with. 
He had subjected Poland to the yoke of Russia ; this was the 
front of his offending. These modern regenerators of the 
human race had calculated that Poland would be able to place 
Russia on the contrary under her yoke, and then pass toge- 
ther with Russia under their own dominion. They hoped 
that Poland lighted up by the fire of revolution, would become 
a political volcano to devour and destroy the four powerful 
monarchies that surrounded her; and while this conflagration 
was spreading over the east of Europe, France, having to do 
only with feeble and disunited monarchies in the west, would 
transform them at her pleasure to the new system which she 
proposed to establish in Europe. Then would monarchy be 
at an end in Europe ; and nothing remain of all that was 
connected with the ancient social system and order of things. 
Man, governed by other opinions and other modes of think- 
ing, other laws, and other manners and customs, would he 
completely regenerated; he would be no longer the descend- 
ant of those who had preceded him on the earth, but begin, as 
it were, the whole species anew. 

The sword of the terrible warrior, cut at once the main- 
springof these beautiful projects, which thenceforward were 



268 THE LIFE OF 

for ever blasted. Judge then if lie merited from them the 
appellation of barbarian ; and of the motives of those, who 
from poverty in expressions sufficiently strong, had recourse 
to the most odious comparisons to depict him.* But it is 
impossible for this wanton indulgence in invective to impose' 
upon impartial minds. In examining the origin of the evil 
character which they attempted to attach to the renown of 
Souvarof, and the time when so many eiforts were made to sul- 
ly his fame and degrade him in the opinion of the world, there 
is not one who has any sense of justice or equity who will not 
suspend his judgment. Before pronouncing sentence he will 
demand to see the proofs of such heinous charges. But what 
is his astonishment when not a single fact is adduced to incul- 
pate the honour, probity, patriotism, loyalty, or morality of 
the hero; but on the contrary, the only support on which they 
rest are some few singularities which they endeavour to force 
into vices. AVhile on the other hand, authentic documents 
are presented, clearly shewing that the brilliant victories of 

* It is curious to read his character among others, in a work entitled 
" Memohes secrets seu la Rusie, etc." (vol. 1st. pages 298 to 306.) This portrait 
is absolutely a recapitulation of all the slanderous falsehoods and caricatures 
which were scattered through Poland and Germany at that time, concerning 
Souvarof. If we pay attention to the spirit in which this characleris drawn, 
and to the general tone of the work above cited, it will be seen whether or not 
we have correctly indicated the source of the absurd and defamatory reports 
which have been spread abroad concerning the Russian hero. What is very 
remarkable is, that in the third volume of this work, written a long time after 
the first, the author in giving an acconnt of the expedition of Souvarof to 
Italy and Switzerland in 1799, makes a complete recantation. He uses 
expressions very different and entirely decent and respectful of Souvarof, of 
whom indeed he sometimes makes a very handsome culogium : all this is very 
easily explained. At this epoch Souvarof came to be known to all Europe, 
and the French among others, to whose view he was exhibited under appear 
ances by no means agreeing with those which they had sought to give him in 
the first instance. It was impossible, therefore, to make entirely a fancy 
portrait of him : and they were obliged for their own sakes, if not to tell th<* 
o\act truth, at lcatt to make some approach to it. 



SOUVAROF. 269 

the warrior wore due alone to his talents and courage \ 
this warrior was faithfully and constantly all ached t<> . 
God, his country, and his prince; that he despised Fortune, 
but was covetous of glory ; that he left to others the spoils of 
the enemy which he had vanquished ; that he generously 
shared with his soldiers and the poor, the pecuniary rewards 
assigned him ; that he fulfilled Ids military duties with strict- 
est exactitude for fifty years ; that lie lived in sobriety and 
temperance ; that lie was idolized by the soldiers, to whom he 
was a father and friend ; that he never acted the part of a 
courtier even to his sovereign, hut was indebted to his merit 
alone for his dignities and elevated rank in the world ; that he 
made use of the originality with which nature had endowed 
him to gain an ascendancy overall men, and this ascendancy 
he employed in rendering the greatest services to his country; 
in a woi'd, that he possessed all the distinctive virtues of the 
citizen, the public character, and the man born to command 
over others. What must be the surprise of him to whom this 
contrast is presented ? — He will recognize the marks and 
characteristics of the extravagance of this unfortunate age, 
and redouble his watchfulness to guard against the prejudices 
which they seek to throw around him. 

The military talents of Souvarof are now no longer dis- 
puted ; it would be singular indeed if they were denied to a 
man, who having made war for half a century, against 
almost evcrv nation and in many countries, was present at 
more than an hundred actions with the enemy ; and of these 
gained for his share, cither in actions, rencontres, battles, 
assaults or towns taken, sixty-four. But what are still dis- 
puted and denied him, arc Ids moral qualities. This injustice 
will cease. We hope that many who were misinformed on this 
head are already convinced. There is not one of the vir- 
tues we have attributed to him, which did not in reality shine 
with uncommon lustre. Of this, his life which we have written 
from certain and authentic documents is a sufficient proof. 



270 THE LIFE OF 

Let any one examine, on the contrary, the accusations of his 
detractors ; they will find that their charges are all reduced to 
two points, his eccentricities and his cruelties. But we have 
already proved that these pretended cruelties, which in fact, 
when analised, are all founded on the assault of Praga (for 
which a certain description of people will never pardon him) 
are ridiculous and unfounded accusations ; and the details we 
have given in the proper place of this assault, (the most bril- 
liant exploit of Souvarof, after the battles of Rymnik and 
the Trebia,) reflect as much honour on his military genius, in 
the assault itself, as its consequences do to his magnanimity, 
foresight, and wisdom. 

There remain then only his eccentricities, the grand field 
of battle for his calumniators. But why do they not rather 
fasten on some vice or crime ? How rejoiced would they be, 
could they do so ! How they would exult if they could say that 
Souvarof was a revolutionist and a robber ; that he pillaged 
the people he conquered, and enriched himself with their 
spoils, by robbing his government of its due ; that he was 
preud, insolent, debauched, prodigal in corruption, miserly in 
doing good ; that he was destitute of religion, and that he 
who only armed himself to preserve the ancient institutions 
and belief, was in fact himself most hostile to them. But 
unfortunately for them, as they perceive instead of these vices 
only their contrary virtues, they have sought out some other 
resource, and trusted they had found it in some eccentricities 
and originalities which they turn into ridicule. They rail at 
Souvarof for his rude and gross manner of living, when in the 
midst of his soldiers : not seeing the prodigious merit this man 
must have possessed to secure to himself, with his Spartan 
manners, on the one hand the esteem and confidence of a lux- 
urious and magnificent court ; and on the other, the love of an 
army, who, seeing their generals surrounded constantly with 
oriental pomp, might naturally be led to regard the simple 
and plain Souvarof as an upstart who was unworthy to hold 



SOUVAROF. 271 

a place among such magnificent personages. They do not 
perceive what strength of mind is absolutely necessary to 
enable one to oppose openly, the manners of his age and of 
liis country ; to oppose them not by mere argument or empty 
railcry, but by actions, of which lie only is capable, who pos- 
sesses energy of character nod habitual self command. If when 
he indulged in his pleasant humours Souvarof had been mere- 
ly a buffoon, he might have amused the soldiers, but he must 
inevitably have disgusted the olliccrs, whose clamours would 
have produced his dismission. When he inspired his soldiers 
with a devotion so absolute that upon a sign from him they 
marched to certain death, and his officers with a veneration 
and awe which kept them in the strict bounds of the severest 
duty, there must certainly have been in these seeming buf- 
fooneries, something of profound calculation and wisdom. 
His religious practices and his observance of the minute cere- 
monies of the Greek church have been stigmatized as proofs 
of superstition, and his enemies eagerly seized on them as the 
subject of ridicule and mockery. But this is natural, and it 
would be indeed almost a pity not to allow them that poor 
indulgence of spleen ; for was it not mortifying to them in 
the extreme, that the same man who with one hand seized the 
ring of an arch bishop to press it with transport to his lips, 
should crush with the other the apostles and preachers of 
modern philosophy. 

If, quitting him in his puhlic career, we follow our hero to 
the details of private life, we shall there find the same stamp 
of character ; we shall behold, as it were, in the latter, the 
elements and parts of which the former was composed. 

This uniformity of character hoth in private and public life, 
proves completely the unity and steadiness, and consequently 
the strength of character with which nature had gifted Sou- 
varof. She had given him butone great passion, the passion 
for glory ; and lie appeared to he organized with faculties of 



272 THE LIFE OF 

body and mind proper for the attainment of that great end. 
In his person, Souvarof was lean and thin ; his body, rather 
of small proportions, was muscular and full of nerve ; and 
the habit of fatigue and being accustomed to constant exer- 
cise, had added still more to his natural strength. His physi- 
ognomy was by no means prepossessing ; his nose was flat : 
his mouth wide and large ; and his eyes small ; but in the 
expression of his eyes was found the martial character of the 
man. Always quick and penetrating, in battle his eye became 
threatening and terrible, and his soldiers might read in its 
glance, death to the enemy. 

The health of Souvarof was good; and an excellent consti- 
tution was fortified by a temperate, austere, and uniform diet. 
It was his custom to rise at the earliest dawn ; several buck- 
ets of cold water were thrown over his naked body ; his hair 
was then dressed, (which consisted in drawing the hair from 
each side over the top of his head, which was bald, and in a 
small queue behind without pomatum or powder :) afterwards 
he dressed himself. He dined at eight or nine o'clock ; when 
with the army he was accustomed to live on the same food as 
his soldiers, which consisted of coarse bread often sour, and 
a broth or gruel of oat or barley -meal ; but augmenting his 
indulgences, when he was not with the army, he added to it 
slices of salt meat, and a little butter and cheese. His ordi- 
nary drink was a kind of beer made from fermented wheat 
which the Russians call Kislichtschy, and a little brandy after 
the repast. He made two meals a day, and ate vexw heartily. 
After having dined he slept for three hours, when busi- 
ness or the occasion permitted ; but prolonging the evening 
which he devoted to business, he scarcely slept more than 
three or four hours during the night. Before going to bed, 
and immediately upon rising, betook a cup of tea or coffee. 
Before he dined he had already given several hours to busi- 
ness and his devotions, which last he never omitted. He made 
a short prayer after each meal, and again when going to bed 



SOUVAROF. 2rs 

He usually performed his devotions before an image of St 
Nicholas, the patron saint of Russia. lie was aware of the 
profound attachment of the Russians for their national usages, 
and he conformed carefully to all of them. His bed was 
commonly a small mattress, or a coverlid spread upon the 
floor, upon which he slept wrapped up in his cloak. But in 
the field or on a march, he commonly slept on the bare ground 
or the floor of a chamber, or sometimes remained in hiskabit- 
ka, which served him instead of a tent. He had no guards 
about his person ; the whole army were his guards. He was 
at all times accessible to the common soldiers as well as to 
the officers, and it was their glory and delight to behold their 
general living as 1 hey did, and adopting from choice, all their 
habits and customs. 

And in fact, the manners which Souvarof adopted did not 
proceed from originality and eccentricity in himself, as was 
generally believed in Europe, but were the manners of the 
great body of the Russians. But what seems to us a decisive 
proof that the adoption of these manners was on his part, a 
calculation and mark of genius, was that he had been edu- 
cated in easy circumstances under the roof of a father, who 
had never been in the army himself, and who was always 
unwilling that his son should be a soldier ; he had consequent- 
ly never been prepared in his infancy for the fatigues and 
hardships incident to that life, but had inured himself to them 
at a mature age, and adopted these singular habits upon 
serious reflection and with profound design. In fact, Souva- 
rof entered late into the service, and remained in it for some 
time destitute of patronage or protection, vegetating in the 
subaltern grades, because he entered it against the wishes of 
his father. Alter the death ef his father, being totally d< 
tuteof any support at court, and unfitted by nature for play- 
ing the part of a courtier, it was evident that there was 
nothing to expect from patronage. Could he hope then to 

gain preferment on!\ from capacity, merit, and zeal? The 
M m 



271- THE LIFE OF 

knowledge lie bad of the world forbade him to expect it. He 
therefore affected singularity, i s s a powerful means of bringing 
himself into notice, depending afterwards upon the talents and 
merit which he felt himself to possess. We have already seen 
how an accidental speech of Catharine strengthened him in 
tliis resolution ; thenceforward he persevered in his singula- 
rities for the same reason which had caused him to adopt 
them ; and he had the more reason to persevere, since tiie 
impression and effect they produced were greater in pro- 
portion as he advanced in rank ; and as they aided him pow- 
erfully, in assuming over others that empire and ascendancy, 
so necessary to the prosecution of his great designs. 

This ascendancy, the mark and stamp of real genius, evinces 
the pre-eminence of the genius of Souvarof ; for no captain 
ever possessed so complete an empire over his soldiers. His 
influence over their minds was so powerful that he absolutely 
controlled them at will ; and from this circumstance alone we 
are satisfied, that with equal forces Souvarof was invincible. 
The proofs of this assertion are simple and clear. A battle 
completely gained, is the result either — of open force, which 
cuts up and overthrows the enemy, or — of movements which 
paralyze those of the adversary as in the game of chess, and 
force him to acknowledge himself conquered. But even in 
the last case, an intrepid and determined general can place 
himselt in the same relative situation as in tue former. For 
it he should be surrounded (the most decisive manoeuvre 
against him) he can still, by attempting to cut through, bring 
himself in contact with the enemv, and force him to a combat 
hand to hand. But in this sort of combat the uncommon 
valour of Souvarof, and the fire which he infused into his sol- 
diers when he saw them beginning to droop, together with the 
bodily force and surprising strength of the Russians, would 
have certainly secured him the victory ; provided his enemy 
did not possess an overwhelming superiority. And even in 
this case, Souvarof, rather than yield, would have made his 



SOUVAROF. 

Russians combat even for seven or eight days in succession* 
and under his orders, the Russians would have persisted to the 
last. Jlis retreat from Switzerland is a remarkable instance 
to prove, that even with a great numerical inferiority, lie could 
scarcely ever have heen fairly vanquished. And this retreat* 
at the age of seventy years, is an exploit and achievement in 
war, a parallel to which is not to he foun I, in the history of 
any general of modern times or of antiquity. 

If nature gave to Souvarof a frame perfectly adapted to the 
hardships of war, heaven was no less bountiful, in endowing 
liim with a mind and soul fitted foe that terrible profession. 
Repose was incompatible with his ardent soul ; he considered 
it as a degradation and disgrace. He was gifted with a pre- 
sence of mind that nothing could disturb or alarm, and with a 
degree of courage, which, like that of the heroes of Ariosto, 
scarcely admitted of comparison. Great intelligence, an 
astonishing sagacity, and long experience had made him pro- 
foundly acquainted with the human heart. He had a superb 
decision of character which no obstacle could ever bend.— 
This determined spirit, directed constantly towards the obj. ct 
of his military life, was the more likely to be successful in 
attaining that object, inasmuch as nothing ever diverted him 
from the pursuit of his sole and ruling passion, the passion 
for glory. His heart was not sufficiently tender to permit 
love or pleasure to enter in, and distract him from the pursuit 
of fame. He was too robust to fear tliC fatigues of this Lioo- 
rious career ; too active to prefer a calm existence, and too 
indifferent to vulgar enjoyments to sutler the allurements of 
riches ever to lead him one step from the path he had traced 
out. 

With a character so energetic, with an imagination capable 
of giving birth to the most hardy projects, with courage to 
stimulate him to their execution, and with talents and perse- 
verance to bring thorn to a successful termination, — living too 



276 THE LIFE OF 

in an empire whose power was colossal, and under the reign 
of a sovereign wnose ambition was co-extens<ve with the enor- 
mous means at her disposal, — it was to be expected that Souva- 
rof, so soon as his reputation should begin to spread abroad, 
would acquire boundless renown from great and glorious 
exploits. He made the campaign of Italy, having under 
Lira a far greater number of Austrians than Russians, 
and under peculiar circumstances of restraint, which cramped 
the genius of the warrior, and subjected his operations to the 
control of others ; and yet that campaign astonished Europe, 
But Europe did not behold all that was practicable for Souva- 
rof, placed in more propitious circumstances. Had he 
inarched at the head of a numerous army of his countrymen, 
during the life of the great Catharine and accountable to her 
alone for his actions, then indeed would he have furnished to 
Europe, abundant occasion for wonder and astonishment! 

Let it not be thought, that if he had appeared with this array 
of power and force, he might have become the scourge 
as well as the dread of Europe. Souvarof was incapable of 
pushing destruction farther than was necessary to overcome 
an enemy. He was not only merciful after the victory, but 
gentle and generous. The same firmness of character, by 
which he gave an impulse to his troops enabling them to bear 
down all opposition, stopped him short in the career of suc- 
cess at the point which justice and duty marked out. Was his 
luxury so great as to tempt him to despoil the vanquished, to 
furnish resources to support his expense and prodigality ? 
Could the cries of a few miserable wretches please that noble 
and daring spirit, which estimated victory only in proportion 
to the efforts of courage necessary to obtain it ? The conquest 
of Poland is a memorable demonstration of the excellence of 
his character. That country never was more tranquil and 
happv, than at the time when prostrated on a sudden by the 
assault of Praga, it was placed completely at f lie mercy of 
the conqueror. While Souvarof governed it as a military 



SOUVAROF. 277 

find civil officer, the most profound order and tranquility 
reigned throughout. Unhappy Poland was vexed and harass- 
ed only when those who had not conquered it, under pretence 
of organizing, came to appropriate to themselves the fruit of 
the conquest. 

Souvarof possessed much knowledge of various kinds He 
held science in great estimation, venerated learning, and 
cherished improvement. The notions that have hcen spread 
abroad on this subject are calumnies circulated by anticipation, 
which no action of his, nor any epoch of his life, can tend in the 
Slightest degree to support. He loved the arts, so far as they 
serve to develop the greatest and noblest faculties of man, 
but not when they conduce to stifle those same faculties, by 
ministering to a thousand frivolous and luxurious indul- 
gencies. An avowed enemy to luxury, he made those about 
him remove from an apartment destined to his use, every arti- 
cle of sumptuous furniture and all that was not of strict 
necessity ;and sometimes when by chance a looking-glass had 
been left, he broke it in pieces with his hand, as a piece of fur- 
niture useless or disgraceful to a soldier.* 

* This hatred which Souvarof had to mirrors has given much employ- 
ment to the idle talk of weak minds in Europe. But how long is it 
since men, and military men in particular, have heen permitted to hoast of such 
an article of luxury ? It is not two centuries since looking-glasses were known 
at all in Lurope. And not more than thirtv years ago in polished and re'incd 
France, old officers were found who made it a boast that they had never used 
one ; and twenty five years since, a young ofPcer who should be detected view- 
ing himselfin a mirror would infallibly incur the ridicule of all "his companions. 
Isit surprizing then if theserigid but sound and wholesome ideas should be pre 
served to a 1 -tcr period in Russia, a country far less refined and civilized than 
France^ And further, the luxury which under Cathai ine had pervaded the whole 
court of St Petersburg, disgusted Souvarof. He foresaw the fatal effect of this 
upon a country which nature has not marked out fur a country of voluptuous- 
ness And yet few give themselves the trouble to consider these things; there are 
many who think that Souvarof disliked mirrors from superstition, and 



■SfS THE LIFE OP 

In his love for simplicity, it was not that he feared expense ; 
for he had the most sovereign contempt for money, so much so 
that he would never carry any about him or have any concern 
with it- His son, his relations, friends, and tiie officers of his 
suite, profited by, and enjoyed his fortune, which was very 
large. He himself valued only his diamonds, and in these he 
was immensely rich. They were chiefly the fruits of the muni- 
ficence of Catharine ; and it was doubtless on this account 
that he particularly valued them. He had them always car- 
ried with him. We have already related the circumstance of 
bis spreading them on a table in the midst of the Alutten- 
thal ; a circumstance which it appears quite impossible to 
ascribe to mere whim or fancy of the moment. In thesitua- 
tion in which he then was, it was doubtless a bravado towards 
the enemy, and a method of animating the confidence of his 
troops, by shewing them his own unconcern and security. 
On great days of military or religious ceremonies, re was ac- 
customed to decorate himself with all his diamonds and badges 
of the different orders he had received ; when he distributed, 
for example, solemnly in the church, the crosses and swords, 
sent to the officers of his army, as rewards of bravery and 
good conduct. This Asiatic pomp formed a strong contrast 
to the simplicity of his ordinary dress. In summer he wore 
a coat of cotton stuff edged with scarlet, large linen panta- 
loons or breeches, small boots resembling those worn in the 
time of chivalry, and a small casque or helmet. 

There is no doubt but that in all the countries attacked by 
modern revolutionary principles where the arms of Souvarof 
penetrated, he would have restored as far as lay in his power 
the ancient authorities, the ancient public worship, and in gen- 
eral all the institutions which related to religion, to honour, 



;~c he thought they contained witchcraft. That Souvarof should be 
afraid of witch craft is an idea so truly ridiculous, that we can scarcely imagine 
how i^ came to enter thr head of any one. 



SOUVAROF. t71 

and to that spirit of chivalry whose influence has been so 
powerful in the civilization of Europe. Those disastrous 
times have now passed bv , when the prevalence of contrary 
principles menaced to extirpate all virtue, and banish the light 
of knowledge forever from the world. Now then we demand 
if the principles of Souvarof were ignoble ; now then we 
demand of the world, if for sentiments and actions like tiiete 
he deserves to be depicted as a robber and a cannibal ? 

No general ever set a higher value upon the duties of subor- 
dination than JSouvarof. He gave an example of it, by exer- 
cising- it on himself. ]le made one of his aides-de-camp 
order him on different occasions to sit down to table, to rise 
from his meal, to go io sleep, or to wake up, &c. Sometimes 
he would appear astonished at the command and ask, by 
whose order ? By order of marshal Souvanf himself was the 
answer ; upon which he immediately did what was required, 
saying in a loud and firm tone, he must be obeyed. These were 
all-powerful words. By obeying himself, he taught that impe- 
rious obligation to others. 

But he reserved the exercise of tlie empire he had acquired 
over his troops, and the subordination he taught them, for 
great and important i v.s. In the ordinary intercourse 

he was indulgent in the extreme ; and this man who has b 
reproached with cruelty, sometimes pushed his clemency even 
to weakness. Ten examples of punishments ordered by htm 
can scarcely be cited. He was often seve re and harsh in lan- 
guage, but never in actions. He never brought before a court 
any complaints against an officer or general. When applied 
to, to punish slight faults, he commonly answered, Jam 
not the provost of the army. He took care, however, that the 
provost and other officers whose business it was, should not 
he interrupted in the performance of their duty ; reserving to 
himself the office of mercy. He gave a signal example of his 
clemency and moderation, in regard to the Austrian general 



280 THE LIFE OF 

Linken, of whom he had much reason to complain for having 
precipitately abandoned the post of Glarus, on the gratuitous 
supposition that Souvarof and his army were lost, and expos- 
ed him thereby to real and most imminent danger of total 
ruin. This general was presented to him at Ifiauz, a small 
village of the Grisons, just as the marshal had extricated 
himself from the gulf into which Linken had contributed to 
plunge him. The marshal was surrounded by a crowd of 
Austrian and Russian officers ; and made no reproach to Lin- 
ken, but assuming a theatrical mariner and in a solemn voice, 
he cried out, " general Linken, how many enemies can each 
" of your soldiers bayonet ? mine can bayonet six" Whe- 
ther Linken was astounded at this singular reception, or whe- 
ther he comprehended the malice of the marshal, who intend- 
ed he should feel how little use he had made of the valour of 
his soldiers in the most critical and important circumstance of 
the war, he answered coldly, " Your highness, my soldiers do 
" what they can, and they do well." Souvarof, without push- 
ing his raillery any farther, appeared satisfied with the 
answer of the Austrian general, x*eceived him kindly, and 
treated him afterwards very well. 



By the pleasantries of different sorts and the stories he told 
them, he amused his soldiers, and made himself almost adored 
by these rude and simple children of nature. Skilful in seiz- 
ing the shades of difference between nations, he changed his 
manner when commanding the Austrians, and had he com- 
manded the French, would have altered it still more. But 
with all he would have been familial*; because this cannot be at- 
tended with inconvenience, and there are often eminent advan- 
tages derived from it. This was the system of Hannibal, of 
Ccxsar, and of Trajan in antiquity ; of Henry the Fourth, 
Turcnne, Vendome, Marlborough, Saxe, and the great Frede- 
rick, among the moderns. With such names as authority we 
can follow an example without fear of being led into error. 



SOUVAROF. 281 

Souvarof took great care of his soldiers. lie desired 
particularly, that they should be well fed, whatever it might 
cost to the country through which he marched* He often 
visited the hospitals of the army, and encouraged the sick and 
wounded ; but he familiarised all about him to the idea of a 
severe and rigourous service, which admitted of no abatement 
or interruption from the seasons, fatigues, or dangers. He 
accustomed his soldiers to be terrible in combat. It was his 
adage, that the bayonet was wise 9 the ball was a fool. The 
soldier was therefore to depend on the pash of the bayonet, 
and to despise the fire of his adversary. When he ordered, 
march for the Poles/ the soldier plunged his bayonet once. 
March for the Prussians/ the soldier plunged his bayonet 
twice ; (he never liked the Prussians on account of their con- 
ceit and too great attention to appearance and dress.) March 
for the French / the soldier pushed his bayonet three times. 
These images were often realised on the field of battle, to the 
ruin of those who had been the subjects of the lesson. 

Sometimes at the dawn of day, he went through the camp 
imitating the crowing of the cock and waking his soldiers. 
Thus announcing to them the warlike sentiment with which 
they should rise from the arms of sleep.* 

* The following "anecdote will prove that his pleasantries and oddities had 
some important end in view, however concealed or remote it appeared. During 
the first war of Poland, finding himself with a very small number of troops 
opposed to a very strong body of confederates, he discovered a spy among 
the people of his suite, and resolved to take advantage of it to extricate himself 
from his unpleasant situation. He published in the order of the day that, at 
the first crowing of the cock, the troops would march to attack the enemy, 
atid caused the spy to send word that the Russians would be upon them some, 
time after midnight. But about eight o'clock Souvarof ran through the camp 
imitating the crowing of the cock; the troops were immediately under arm?, 
and he led them directly to the attack. The enemy, completely surprized, 
losta great number of men and was driven from his position. There are some 
persons who insist that after the success of the scheme the spy received the 
thanks of, and was rewarded by the general. 

N n 



282 THE LIFE OF 

Had Souvarof lived in ancient times, all these traits would 
have been thought admirable, and enlightened men would have 
been occupied in elucidating their object and meaning. And 
they would have been rewarded for their pains, for in all Of 
them there was some hidden end in view. Why then should 
We ridicule these singularities, merely because they are 
modern ? 

When he halted for the night, after a fatiguing march, he 
lay down upon fresh straw ; and often in an inclement season, 
he caused his attendants to open the windows, saying that he 
was not cold, and to take away the doors, saying he wafc 
not afraid. The soldiers who saw it, laughed and were 
ashamed to acknowledge fear or cold. As to the officers and 
especially the young ones who had been living at court, they 
shivered a little, but dared not grumble, and the lesson conse- 
quently was doubly useful to them. 

When he was about to take the command of the army in 
Italy, the court of Vienna desired that the Austrian troops 
should act by themselves and separate from the Russians, 
although still under the orders of Souvarof. But he refused 
this condition. In fact, the two armies being destined to com- 
bat in the same country, and with the same object in view, it 
was proper to mingle them and take advantage of the emula- 
tion naturally excited between them. Not but we are 
convinced, that if Souvarof had had a free choice at the open- 
ing of the war, he would much rather have acted with a consi- 
derable army of Russians and on some other theatre of opera- 
tions, than to have joined the Austrians, who were greatly 
superior to the Russians in number, and in a country the con- 
quest of which was solely to benefit Austria. 

But since it had been so determined by the cabinets of 
Petersburg and Vienna, to have separated the two armies 
would only have added new inconveniences to those already 



SOUVAROF. 283 

experienced. Souvarof employed the Aust rians in all detach- 
ed parties and on advanced posts, and the Russians in aUacks 
of main force, where desperate boldness was required more 
than skill or knowledge in war. He composed his general 
staff chiefly of Austrian officers, and the chief of this staff 
possessed his entire confidence in the arrangement of apian of 
operation. The disposition of an attack or march was 
always read to him, and it was with an exquisite and infi- 
nitely prompt discernment that he struck out what was bad, 
and added whatever he thought wanting. When several plans 
were drawn up for the same operation, it was with the highest 
degree of intuitive sagacity that he immediately selected the 
best. Count de Kinsky was at first the chief of his staff. 
He quitted him for the marquis de Chastelcr who pleased him 
by his bravery, his bold projects and his great knowledge ; 
but afterwards he quitted him also, complaining that he occa- 
sioned confusion by his unsteadiness and the too great variety 
of his ideas and plans. He gave the appointment then to 
colonel W eyrother, an officer of high established character 
and great talents, and retained him in that situation until his 
departure for Russia. 

In private intercourse and in the moments of relaxation, 
Souvarof was simple and to a certain degree familiar with his 
officers. He amused himself after business very often in 
childish sports ; and he quitted then his strange manner of 
speaking, and his oddities, preserving however, always a 
tincture of originality, which he naturally contracted from 
the constant habit of counterfeiting and assuming eccentricity. 
There can indeed be no doubt, but that he assumed that cha- 
racter to further his advancement, and to isolate him as it were, 
in his military career, and render him independent of the 
intrigues of ministers and court favourites. Hence Catha- 
rine often repeated with complacency, what she had written to 
him upon sending him the staff of marshal after the conquest 
of Poland : Ittyas not I who made Souvarof a marshal: it was 
himself, 



28* THE LIFE OP 

We have seen upon his arrival in Italy, with what vigour 
he immediately commenced the pursuit of the French, whom 
the victorious Austrians were quietly permitting to recover 
from their defeat. This great eagerness in pursuit, the ra- 
pidity of his marches, his daring boldness in attacking every 
where without hesitation, were without doubt the great means 
of his succees : but it is not in the capacity of all generals to 
employ them, and particularly to employ them wisely. It 
appears that he had less aptitude .for the details of war ; as 
for example, to know how to profit in a battle of any advan- 
tage of ground, or suddenly to change his dispositions. His 
plan once conceived and arranged, he marched on to its exe- 
cution, and was not easily diverted from it. After all, he 
fought the French under circumstances altogether so very 
extraordinary, in which there were so many moral consider- 
ations interwoven with military combinations, and the French 
on their part carried on the war after a system so very differ- 
ent from any that had been previously practised, that it is im- 
possible to say what would have been the conduct of Souva- 
rof, had he led the Russians into Italy in other and more tran- 
quil times. It is probable, that he would in that case, not- 
withstanding his characteristic intrepidity and energy, have 
chosen a more regular and moderate system by which to con- 
duct the war. 

He was particularly fond of that kind of warfare, which 
made a strong impression upon the opinions of men. His 
generals and soldiers were daring and bold like himself, and 
the enemy constantly kept in astonishment and wonder, were 
allowed no time to recover from it. In an engagement, he 
attacked indifferently, posts and batteries at the point of the 
bayonet, and rarely sought less dangerous but more tedious 
means. " If I lost," said he, " some men to-day, I shall not 
" lose so many on another occasion," He was sometimes 
excited to the most violent burets of passion against his offi- 



SOUVAItOF. 28b 

ccm, and abused them in the harshest terms, when an attack 
was not going on at first as lie wished ; but these fits of anger 
were never followed by any unpleasant consequences to those 
who were the objects of them, except in cases of evident 
cowardice, which he never pardoned. He preserved harmony 
between the Austrians and Russians in Italy, and that (it will 
be acknowledged) was not an easy task. When lie issued a 
general order to the army, commanding that every Russian 
general and officer should be bound by the advice or request of 
the Austrian generals and officers, in the same order he extoll- 
ed above all, the bravery of his Russians. Some of these 
orders he wrote himself in French, and we have seen some 
which were tedious and even contradictory. Others not so 
long were correct, and drawn up with great ability. It would 
be difficult to form an opinion upon his talent for writing ; but 
there is no doubt that he possessed an excellent discernment 
and taste for whatever was good in that way. General Mo- 
rcau issued a proclamation to the inhabitants of Italy, to 
which Souvarof thought proper to reply, and he desired the 
marquis de Chasteler to draw up the sketch of an answer. 
At the first reading of this piece, Souvarof made with great 
readiness, different alterations, giving it more force and mean- 
ing by erasing some expressions, and adding others. A good 
composition is rarely made with such precipitation. This, of 
which we have cited some fragments, w as found to be excel- 
lent. 

Souvarof spoke very well (beside the Russian) the Turk- 
ish, Polish, Italian, German, and French languages. The 
two last he also wrote correctly. He knew even the corrupt 
german spoken at Vienna, and which he used when he ridi- 
culed or upbraided the Austrians, whose slowness and irreso- 
lution often called forth the bitterest sarcasms. He had a lit- 
tle knowledge of the English. He understood the Latin, 
Greek, and Arabian authors. It is even said, that he was 
able to write in Arabic ; but we do not know how far this 



2S6 THE LIFE OF 

pretension was well founded. He spoke to every one accord- 
ing to his profession ; of theology to a clergyman, of juris- 
prudence to a judge, of medicine to a physician. He cited 
ancient and modern history with a precision and strength of 
memory truly admirable. In the extent of his knowledge and 
acquirements, he was really a prodigy ; a strange and won- 
derful circumstance, and which proves the transcendant geni- 
us of this extraordinary personage, whose life, a continued 
scene of agitation and bustle, seemed scarcely to permit him 
to devote a single hour to study. 

His remarks were sometimes caustic and satirical in the 
highest degree ; many proofs of this have been already given, 
and some among others, which she w that he did not spare 
even the emperor, his master. 

He embraced all those who were presented to him, and gave 
them his benediction. The embrace is an ancient custom 
preserved among the Russians* As to the benediction and 
the custom of kissing the hand of priests, the Russians adopt- 
ed them from the Greek christians ; and Souvarof only fol- 
lowed in these respects the manners of the great bulk of the 
Russian people, who have not yet adopted the modern man- 
ners of Europe. 

Souvarof could not bear to be answered IdonHknow, or I 
eamioU This is to be understood only with reference to the 
questions or directions to the officers whom he employed. And 
as lie gave the example himself of finding nothing impossible, 
it stimulated those who served under him ; for it is certain, 
that he who is sure that his ignorance or incapacity will be 
considered as a heavy fault, is able to find resources in him- 
self, which he at first scarcely suspected that he possessed. 
Besides, the fear of being taken by surprize, produces atten- 
tion and a degree of reflection ; and this, recurring upon fre- 
quent occasions, strengthens into an useful habit. The bold- 



SOUVAROF. js: 

ness of an assertion, even at hazard, seemed to Souvarof the 
indication of natural resources of mind. He liad, in a word, 
a sort of esteem for him who never stopped half-way. 

As he despised intrigue, so he had the greatest dislike to 
court favourites and upstarts. When he was recalled to Pe- 
tersburg, for the purpose of being sent to take the com- 
mand of the Austro-Russian army in Italy, the emperor Paul 
sent, to compliment him on his arrival, a Turk of the lowest 
extraction ; who, after having served him as valet-dc-cham- 
bre, had become his favourite and confidant ; whom he had 
created a count, grand master of the horse, decorated with 
the blue ribband, and in fine, loaded with wealth. The count 
Koutaijof is announced to Souvarof. " I do not know any 
Russian family of than name," cried the marshal, pretending 
ignorance on the subject of the newly titled count; "but how- 
ever, shew him in." The latter being introduced, Souvarof 
demands of him his name, pretends much astonishment, and 
begs him to tell him of what country he was a native. The 
count a little embarrassed, answers at last, " I am a native 
** of Turkey ; it is to the bounty of the emperor, that I am 
"indebted for my title." " Oh !" cried Souvarof, "you 
" have doubtless rendered some eminent services. In what 
" corps did you serve ? In what battle were you distinguish- 
" ed ?" " I never served in the army." " Never ! You 
" were then employed in the affairs of state ?-— and pray in 
" what capacity ?" " I never served in any office of state ; 
" I have always been about the august person of his majesty." 
— " Ah ! in what quality ?" The count in vain endeavoured 
to equivocate ; he was obliged at last to come to the avowal 
which the unsparing Souvarof wanted to draw from him. 
" I was," says he, " first Valet-de-chambre to his Imperial 
" Majesty." — " Oh ! very good," cried Souvarof, and turn- 
ing to his domestics who were present, he said to his own 
valet-de-chambre, "Ivan, do you see this great lord ! he was 



288 THE LIFE OF 



" once just what you are, (except indeed that he waited on our 
" most gracious sovereign.) But see what good fortune he 
w has had ; he i§ now a count and decorated with the orders 
" of Russia. So behave yourself well, Ivan ! who knows 
" what you may be, one day or other ?" This scene finished, 
he begged the count, almost stupified with mortification, to 
inform him what commands he had been charged with from 
the emperor. 

Would it be Relieved that it was a Russian who gave to his 
master a lesson so severe, yet so well deserved ? "What more 
could Themistocles have done, at the court of the great 
king? 

But so many noble and admirable qualities which rendered 
the character of Souvarof so interesting in the great relations 
of society, were not without some admixture of faults. In 
common with many other great men, he disdained the suavi- 
ties and amenities of life, and whatever was calculated mere- 
ly to please. He sometimes harassed his aides-de-camp and 
those who were about him, by ungracious and rude remarks, 
and questions which were embarrassing and without an object. 
He fatigued them by the services he required of them, and did 
not always recompense the attachment of those, who were 
most devoted to him. He displaced without any ceremony, 
an officer with whom he was displeased. He is accused, of not 
sufficiently protecting the fortune and securing the advance- 
ment of officers of merit, and of often making promises of his 
interest and protection, which he never fulfilled. In general, 
he treated the soldiers much better than the officers, and the 
officers of the army still better than those, who were attached 
to his person. W^e must not expect to find Souvarof a man of 
the world, — nor a man of refinement and polish — nor yet a 
man gifted with gentle and pleasing qualifications for social 
and private life. He never would have become a character of 
rccentric originality, if nature had not given him dispositions 



SOUVAROF. 291 

fitted tor that part ; and these dispositions being strengthened 

by habit, which became a second nature, would natural!) load 

iiim to bo sometimes capricious, stubborn, and difficult of 

access. This same character, so severe, so firm, so adapted 

to groat and noble undertakings, was perhaps, on that account 
so much the less fitted to sweeten the intercourse of private life. 
He would have better consulted his own happiness and his du- 
ty by remaining single : instead of marrying, to bo almost 
always separated from his wife, by his manner of life and 
the avocations of bis profession ; and without being able to 
pass happily, oven the few moments which ho gave to her 
society. After some time of misunderstanding and unhappi- 
ness, they separated, 'Nevertheless, he still continued to shew 
towards her all marks of respect, and some indeed of a very 
peculiar kind. The birth-day of an individual is celebrated 
among- the Russians with great attention, and with as much 
ceremony as each one can afford. It is reported that Souva- 
rof, being more than an hundred versts (twenty leagues) dis- 
tant from his spouse, and recollecting that her birth-day was 
approaching, thought that ho could not omit to give her some 
mark of his respect, and pay her the customary compliments 
on that day. He set out therefore, and arrived at the seat 
whore she then was, very early in the morning; Upon his 
entrance he was told that she had not yet risen, and was then 
asleep. Her women wished to show him up, but Souvaroi* 
would not permit it, and commanded them merely to inform 
their mistress, when she awoke, that her husband had been to 
pay his compliments and felicitate her upon her birth-day. 
Upon which he immediately got into his carriage, and re 
turned. 

Souvarof had two children ; a son and a daughter. His 
son was an officer in the Imperial guard, and was on the point 
of marrying a daughter of the last duke of Courland at 
Prague, during The stay that Souvarof made in that city after 
the campaign of Italy. Paul opposed the marriage ; forrea- 
() o 



292 THE LIFE OF 

sons which were never made known. It is the son of Souva- 
rof, whom we have seen under the name of count Italiski, 
pursuing with distinction the career of diplomacy. 

The daughter of Souvarof, married to the count Nicholas 
Zoubof, brother of the last favourite of Catharine, was a wo- 
man of very distinguished merit. Her father loved her ten- 
derly, and testified it in his peculiar manner. He would gaze 
upon her with admiration, and for hours would kiss her hands, 
and run about the apartment, leaping up and rejoicing that 
Heaven had given him such a treasure. 

Souvarof left a very rich inheritance to his family. His 
patrimonial estate, not very considerable, had been prodigi- 
ously augmented by the generosity of Catharine. Notwith- 
standing the services he daily rendered and the value he set 
on the favours of the empress, he refused to accept of estates 
until after he had children. 

He was decorated with all the orders of Russia, Poland, 
Germany, and Sweden ; but what he valued above all was 
the title of generalissimo of the Russian armies, which for a 
long time had been united to the crown, but which Paul 
detached from it, purposely to bestow upm Souvarof. He 
was, in fine, loaded with honours ; but superior to this osten- 
tation and pomp that surrounded him, he rose above all his 
trophies, as himself the honour and glory of his country. 
Nevertheless, he was tenacious of his numerous titles. Was 
it from a weakness often found in great men ? Or, was it 
because he knew the importance which men attach to these 
trifles, and wished to use them as means of increasing his 
ascendancy over them ? Both these causes might have influ- 
enced his sentiments on this subject. This much is certain : 
that he chose his titles to be always given to him, and shewed 
himself particularly jealous of being always addressed as 
your highness. 



SOUVAROF. 293 

Wc believe tliat we shall reader a just homage to the memo- 
ry of our hero, and fulfilling the duties imposed upon us as 
historians, conduce to toe instruction of the public — if we 
place in the termination of our work, a comparison between 
Souvarof and the most remarkable and celebrated generals of 
the last century* 

Charles the Twelfth, Frederick the great, prince Eugene,, 
marshals Villars, Saxe, Schwerin, Munich, and Laudou were 
the great masters of the art of war in the 18th century. To 
he deservedly bvo giit near to and compared with these 
illustrious men, is already no inconsiderable glory ; but the 
glory of him is complete who shall be acknowledged equal to 
any, — with the exception of one alone, whose equal in all 
respects it will be difficult ever to meet again. It is with his 
titles and his claims displayed that we demand this glory for 
our hero. The campaign of 1789 against the Turks, that of 
Poland, that of Italy, the passage of the Alps and the march 
through Switzerland, incontestably place Souvarof in the 
rank of those generals who have been most distinguished for 
the consummate skill of their marches, their expertness in 
manoeuvring, and their skill in conducting the scientific ope- 
rations of war. The assault of Ismail, and that of Praga, 
the battles of Rymnik, of the Trebia, and of Novi, place him 
by the side of those great men who are dignified with the ap- 
pellation of heroes; — to whom Heaven has accorded the talent 
of attaching other men to their fortune, and the power of 
influencing and directing them according to the impression 
they communicate. In heroism, Souvarof was equal to the 
famous Charles the Twelfth. He possessed the same boldness, 
the same intrepidity, the same unerring coup-d'oeil, the same 
perseverance, the same unbounded empire over his soldiers. 
Asa skilful general he is superior to the Swedish monarch. 
Charles the Twelfth will always remain under the imputation 
of having committed an important fault at Pultowa ; a fault 
which consisted, not in being vanquished at Pultowa (foi 



29* THE LIFE OF 

the greatest generals may be sometimes beaten) but in having 
led his army to Pultowa 

Eugene and Marlborough were great generals ; — the for- 
mer in particular was reaiiy admirable. His prodigious ex- 
ploits against the Turks were without a parallel, and appeared 
in all probability likely ever to remain so ; — But Souvarof has 
fully equalled them against these same Turks and against the 
Poles. As to the campaigns of the war of the Spanish succes- 
sion, it is impossible not to admire in them the genius, the 
resources, and the activity of Marlborough and Eugene. 
But these campaigns present rather a collection of brilliant 
detached actions, than any well digested, extensive, and sys- 
tematic plan. They cannot sustain a comparison witli cam- 
paigns conceived with such talent, unity, and precision, and 
executed with such rapidity and exactness as the campaigns 
of Souvarof in Poland and Italy. We may, without injus- 
tice, say the same of the warlike exploits of Villars, Saxe, 
Munich, Schwerin, and Laudon. We do not mean tosay that 
these great men, and the three last in particular, did not pos- 
sess a profound knowledge of the science of war : — or even 
that Munich in respect to the universality of his talents was 
not superior to Souvarof, — or that Laudon would not have 
performed all that the Russian achieved, if he had possessed 
in an equal degree the absolute and independent control of his 
troops. But alio wing therefore, that the circumstances under 
which they acted, were not so favourable to these generals as 
they were to Souvarof, it is clearly established that their 
actions have not that splendid colouring which sets off and 
illustrates the actions of Souvarof. 

There remains then only Frederick ;|and to Frederick, Sou- 
varof may yield without dishonour, because to him every 
one has hitherto yielded. This all-powerful genius, who in 
the compass of history has no equal but Csesar, performed 
far greater actions than the gain of battles ; he was the founder 



SOUVAROF. 295 

and creator of (hose who gained them; he gave birth to a new 
art,* lie created for himself a force and power, of which lie 
afterwards availed himself, to become one of the m< er- 

ful monarchs of the world. Sueh deeds arc of an order too 
lofty and exalted, to permit a comparison with the actions of 
Sonvar f. But in the exercise of his art, the warrior 
at least some points of near resemblance with the monarch. 
Like Frederick, Souvarof was thoroughly acquainted with 
his country-men, and knew" how to govern and to lead them 
in the spirit and manner most Congenial to them. Like 
Frederick, his victories made the armies of his country the 
best troops in Europe,— a reputation of which it deprived the 
Prussians, who enjoyed it only during the life-time of their 
illustrious monarch. Like Frederick (or rather in imitation 
of him, for this king was the inventor of this system in mo- 
dern times,) Souvarof was convinced that the element of war 
consisted in armies more than in stores, strong places, and 
money ; and that success depended more on rapidity of move- 
ment, than the excellence of positions. Like Frederick he 
thought that the defensive should never enter with preme- 
ditation into a plan of warfare • — and like him too he sin- 
gularly estimated cavalry, an arm of war, of which he 
made constant and powerful use. He was too like Frederick, 
a father to his soldiers, who exhibited the same devotion to 
him, an individual and a subject, that the subjects of Fre- 
derick manifested to their king. Like Frederick, in fine, 
lie possessed an original and creative genius ; — under every 
circumstance he evinced the most perfect knowledge of 
mankind, and of his own age in particular, — and he made 
this knowledge the basis of all his operations. And in a 
wwrd, if in the career of arms, Frederick was his precur- 
sor and his model, certainly it will be allowed that no pupil 
of that illustrious monarch has seized his manner and spirit 
with more ability, or followed his footsteps with more splendid 
success. 



396 THE LIFE OF 

This great man dying in disgrace with his sovereign, still 
experienced his anger after his decease. Paul, irritated per- 
haps at the last words of Souvarof when expiring, — Paul, 
jealous of the glory of his general, seemed to be desirous of 
avenging himself for this glory upon the remains of the hero. 
Instead of being entombed with all the honours 4ue to his 
rank, the GENERALISSIMO had no other funeral honours 
than such as the military regulations prescribe for tne obse- 
quies of a major-general. Courtiers and place-men took good 
care to shun the funeral procession. Foreign ministers and 
diplomatists imitated this ungenerous example. The English 
ambassador alone, yielding to his sentiments of admiration 
for Souvarof, or to the dignity and the generosity which are 
the boast of his nation, — this remarkable personage alone, 
braving the terrors which agitated all others, followed the 
corpse of the hero, and saw the grave closed over it for ever. 

Nevertheless, the emperor, becoming after some time more 
calm and just, decreed that a statue should be erected to Sou- 
varof on the grand parade near to the summer garden, at 
Petersburg. This monument was not completed until the 
present reign. Alexander the First, with all his court, deigned 
to be present, when the son of Souvarof solemnly exposed to 
public admiration, the statue of his father. In the church of 
St. Alexander Nevski, at one of the extremities of the city of 
Petersburg, there is seen a simple tablet of bronze, inscribed 
with the name of SOUVAROF, over which is suspended a 
lamp burning night and day. That tablet marks the place 
where the warrior reposes. 

But he himself has marked out a more splendid place in the 
temple of glory, and in the heart of every Russian warrior. 
We do not know whether Russia will ever produce a greater 
general. It will not, at least, while that nation remains 
in its present state. But should time, events, and the pro- 
gress of civilization, completely change the Russians $ should 



SOUVAROF. *yr 

the constitution of their country, their character, and their 
manners, assume a different complexion ; — then perhaps will 
there arise some great general, qualified for these new circum- 
stances, under whom the armies of Russia will gather fresh 
laurels. Still, however, it is not clear, that this future gene- 
ral, because placed in different circumstances he may act dif- 
ferently from Souvarof, will on that account be proved supe- 
rior to him ;— and whatever mav be his exploits, never will lie 
be able to efface the memory of those glorious times, when 
from the banks of the Borysthenes to the sources of the Po, 
the Russian banners, following the route which the sword 
of the invincible warrior had opened for them, floated in 
triumph, bearing victory with them wherever they were un- 
tried. 



THE END. 



APPENDIX. 



FIELD MARSHAL COUNT ALEXANDER VASSILI- 
AVITCH SOUVAROF'S 



'♦ 



Being a Series of Instructions drawn up by himself, for the use 
of the army under his command, after the Turkish war ; and 
since transmitted, by order of the Russian government, to eve- 
ry regiment in the service. It is commonly called "Souvarof's 
Catechism." 



"DISCOURSE UNDER THE TRIGGER." 

[The general is supposed to be impeding the line, and addressing the trooos.] 

HEELS close — knees straight. — A soldier must stand like a dart !— .1 see 
the fourth — the fifth 1 don't see ! 

A soldier's step is an archinef — in wheeling, an archinc and a half. Keep 
your distances well ! 

Soldiers, join elbows in front ! First rank three steps from the second — in 
marching, two ! 

* A Discourse tinder the trigger, is the harangue made by a general to his 
troops, when the line ia drawn out and the soldiers rest their nieces. 
f The Russian archinc is twenty-eight inches. 

Pp 



300 APPENDIX. 

Give the drum room ! 

Keep your ball three days : — it may happen for a whole campaign, whem 
lead* cannot be had ! 

Fire seldom — hut fn-p sure ! 

Push hard with the bayonet : The ball will lose its way — the bayonet never \ 
The bau is a fool — t he bay net a hero ! 

Stab once ! and off with the Turk from the bayonet ! Even when he's 
dead, you may gel a scratch fi om his sabre. 

If the sabre is near your neck, dodge back one step, and push on again. 
Stab the second ! — stab the third ! A hero will stab half a dozen. 

Be sure your ball's in your gun ! 

If three attack you, stab the first, fire on the second, and bayonet the third ! 
This seldom happens. 

In the attack there's no time to load again. 

When you fire, take aim at their guts ; and fire about twenty balls. Buy- 
lead from your economy]- — it costs little ! 

We fire sure — we lose not one ball in thirty. In the light artillery and heavy 
artillery, not one in ten. 

If you see the match upon a gun, run up to it instantly — the ball will fly over 
your head — The ;;U'is are yours — the people are yours ! Down with 'em up- 
on the spot! Pursue 'em ! Stab 'em. To the remainder give quarter — it's a 
sin to kill without reason ; they are men like you. 

Die for f he honour of the Virgin Blary — for your mother^ — for all the royal 
family ! The church prays for those that die ; and those who survive have 
honour and reward. 

* The Russian soldiers buy their own lead. f The treasury of the mess. 

J The name given by the Russians to the empress. 



APPENDIX 501 

Offend not the peaceable inhabitant! he give* Di meat ami drink — the boJ 
dier M not a robber. Booty is a holy thing ! If you take a camp, it i .ill 
yours ! If you take a Fortress, iti- all yours ! At Ismail, besides other thi 
the soldiers shared j;old and silver by handfuls ; and so iu other places ; but, 
without older, never go to booty ! 

A battle in the field has three modes of attack : 

1. On the iving which is weakest. If a wing is covered by wood, it is 
nothing, a soldier will get through. Through a mo- ass, it is more difficult. 
Through a river you cannot run. All kind ot entrenchment you may jump 
over. 

2. The attack in the centre is not profitable — except for cavalry, to cut them 
in pieces — or else they'll crush you. 

3. The attach behind is very good. Only for a small corps to get round. 
Heavy battle in the field, against regular troops. In squares, against Turks, 
and not in columns. It may happen against Turks, that a su,ua:e of 500 men 
will be compelled to force its way through a t;oop of or 7o0 ,, with the help 
of small squares >n the flank. In such a ca->e, it will extend in a column. 
But, till now, we had no need of it. There are the God-forgeMng, windy, 
light-headed Frenchmen — if it should ever happen to us to march against them, 
we must beat them in columns. 

The battle, upon entrenchments, in the field. — The ditch is not deep — the ram- 
part is not high. Down m the ditch ! Jump over the wall ! Work with 
your bavonet ! Stab ! Drive ! Take them prisoners ! Be sure to cut off 
the cavaby, if any are at hand ! At Prague, the infantry cut off the cavalry ; 
and thee were threefold, and more, entrenchments, and a whole fortn 
therefore we attacked in columns. 



The storm *— Break down thi Vv e ' Throw wattles over the holes ! Run 
as fast as you can! Jtirup„ovj#the palisades ! Ca-t your faggots ! [into the 
ditch ] Leap into the ditch ! ^Lay on your ladders ! Scour the columns ! 
Fire at then heads ! Fly over the walls ! Stab them on the ramparts ! D aw 
out your line ! Put a guard to the powder-cellars ! Open one of 
The cavalry will enter on the enemy ! Turn his guns against him ! Fire 

■ • It is impossible in this translation, consistently with fidelity, to pu 

ity and energy of the i u. 



S03 APPENDIX. 

down the streets ! Fire briskly ! There's no time to ran after them ! When 
the order is given, enter the town ! Kill every enemy in the streets ! Let the 
cavahy hack them! Enter no houses! Stoim them in the open places, 
when whey are gathe ing. Take possession of the open places ! Put a capital 
guard ! |prihm ly put picquets to the gates, to the powder-cellars, and to the 
magazines ! When the enemv has surrendered, give him quarter ! When 
the inner wall is occupied, go to plunder ! 

There arc three military talents : 

1. 'The coup d* ml. — How to place a camp. How to march. Where to at- 
tack; to chace ; and to beat the enenry. 

2. Swiftness.— The field artillery must march half or a whole verst in front, 
on the rising ground, that it may not impede the march of the columns. When 
the column arrives, it will find its place again. Down hill, and on even ground, 
let it go in at! ot. Soldiers march iti files, or four abreast, on account of 
ban ow roads, streets, narrow bridges, and narrow passes through marshy and 
swampy place- ; and only when ready for attack daw up in platoons, to short- 
en the rear. When you march four abreast, leave a space between the compa- 
nies. Never 'lacken your pace ! Walk on ! Play ! Sing your songs ! Beat 
the dram ! When you have broken off* ten versts, Fhe first company cast off 
their toad and lie down. After them, the second company ; and so forth, one 
af:er the other. But the first never wait for the rest ! A line in columns will 
cm the march, always draiv cut. At four abreast it will draw out one and a half 
mo^e than its length. At two abreast it will draw out double. A line one 
verst in length will draw out two. Two versts will draw our. four ; so the first 
companies would have to waitfo: the others half an hour, to no purpose. After 
the first ten versts, an hours icst. The first division that arrived (upon the 
comi ig of the second) takes up its baggage, and moves forwa d ten or fifteen 
paces : and if it passes through defiles, on the march, fifteen or twenty paces. 
And in this manner, division alter division, that the hindmost may get rest! 
The second ten rente, another hour's rest, or more. If the third distance is' 
less Man ten versts, halve it, and rest three quarters, half, or a quarter of an 
hour; that the children} may soon get to their kettles. So much for the in- 
fantry. 

roL^;,; n e^ USSian m ° de ° f eX P ,eS5i0n ' To P™^ *» versts, they 
f An appellation given by Sonvarof to his troops. 



APPENDIX. 303 

-The cavalry marches before. They alight from their horses and rest a short 
time, and march more than ten versts in one stage, that the horses may rest in 
the camp. The kettle-waggons and the tent- waggons go on before. When the 
brothers* arrive, the kettle is ready. The master of the mess instantly serves 
cut the kettle. For breakfast, four hours rest ; and six or eight hours at night, 
according as the road proves. When you draw near the enemy, the kettle- 
waggons remain with the tent-waggons, and wood must be prepared before- 
hand. 

By this manner nf mnrrbing, luldicvc suffer nn fatigue. The enemy does 
not expect us. He reckons us at least an hundred versts distant ; and when 
we come from far, two hundred, or three hundred, or more. We fall at once 
upon him, like note on the head His head turns. Attack instantly uil/i uhul- 
rrer arrives ;f with what God sends. The cavalry instantly fall to work — hack 
and slash ! stab and drive ! Cut them off ! Don't give them a moment's rest ! 

3. Energy. — One leg strengthens the other ! One hand fortifies the other ! 
By firing many men are killed S The enemy has also hands ; but he knows 
not the Russian bayonet ! (alluding to the Turks.) Draw out the line immedi- 
ately ; and instantly attack with cold arms ! [the bayonet.] If there, is not 
time to draw out the line, attack from the defile, the infantry with the 
bayonet ; and the cavalry will be at hand. If there be a defile for a verst, and 
cartridges over your head, the guns will be yours ! Commonly the cavalry 
make the first attack, and the infantry follows. In general cavalry must 
attack like infantry, except in swampy ground ; and there they must lead 
their horses by the bridle. Cossacks will go through any thing. When the 
battle is gained, the cavalry pursue and hack the enemy, and the infantry are 
not to remain behind. In two files there is strength — in three files, strength 
and a half.\ The first tears — the second throws down — and the third perfects 
the work. 

Rules for diet. — Have a dread of the hospital ! German physick stinks from 
afar, is good for nothing, and rather hurtful. A Russian soldier is not used to 
it. Messmates know where to find roots, herbs, and pismires. A soldier is 
inestimable. Take care of your health ! Scour the stomach when it is foul ! 



* An appellation given by Souvarof to his troops. 

f Whatever arrives — Souvarof began the attack as soon as the colours arriv- 
ed, even if he had but half a regiment advanced. 
_ .j Strength and a half. -A common mode of expression in Russia. Souvarof 
aimed at the style and language of the common soldiers, which n oders his 
composition often obscure. 



30* APPENDIX. 

Hunger is the best medicine ! He who neglects his men — if an officer, r ar» 
red — if a sub-officer, lashe.i* — and to the private, lashes, if he neglects himself. 
If loose bowels want food, at sun-set a little gruel and bread. For oostive bow- 
els, some purging plant in warm water, or the liquorice root. Remember, gen- 
tlemen, the field phynck of doctor Betlypol.ki !f In hot fevers eat nothing, even 
for twelve days}; — and drink your soldiers' quarf — that's a soldier's physick. 
In intermitting fevers, neither eat nor drink. Its only a punishment for ne- 
glect, if health ensues. In hospitals, the first day the bed seems soft — the se> 
cond comes French soup — and the thitd, the brother is laid in his coffin, and 
they d. aw him away ! One (b'ee, and ten companion* round him inhale his 
expiiing breaih. In camp, the sick and feeble are kept in huts, and not in vil- 
lages ; the. e the ai; is pu.er. Even without a hospital, you must not stint your 
money for medicine, if it can be bought ; nor even for other necessai ies. But 
all this is frivolous — we know how to preserve ourselves ! Where one dies 
in a hundred with others, we lose not one in five hundred in the course oi a 
month. For the healthy, drink, air, and food — for the sick, air, drink, and 
food. Brothers, the enemy trembles for you ! But there is another enemy 
greater than the hospital — the d-mn'd I don't know!\\ From the hah-coniess- 
ing, the guessing, lying, deceitful, the palavering equivocation,**, squeamish- 
ness, and nonsense of don't know, many disasters originate* Stammering, 
hackering** — and so forth it's shameful to 1 elate ! A soldier should be sound, 
brave, firm, decisive, true, honourable ! Pray to God ! from him comes victo- 
ry and miracles ! Goa conducts us ! God is our general ! For the / don't 
know, an officer is put in the guard — A staff-officer is served with an arrest at 
home. Instruction is Hght ! Not instruction is darkness ! The work fears its 
mater /ft If a peasant knows not how to plough, the corn will not grow ! 
One wise man is worth three fools ! and even three are little, give six I and 



* hashes. — The literal translation of the original is sticks. 

f Professor Pallas supposed this to have been a.manual of m°dicine, published 
for the use oi the army. 

:£ Here he ende?vours to counteract a Russian prejudice, that it is favoura- 
ble to immoderate eating during fevers. 

6 A sour beverage, made of fomented flour and water. 

|| Souvaiof had so gieat an aversion to any person's saying Idont know, in 
er to his questions, that he became almost mad with passion. His offi- 
cers and soldiers were so well auaie of this singula iity. that they would haz- 
iv answe: instantly, accurate or not, rather than venture to incur his dis* 
pleas-lie by professing igno:ance. 

The words here are some of them not to be translated, and seem to be the 
coinage of his own fancy. The Russians themselves cannot affix an explication 
to them. 

ff A Russian proverb. 



APPENDIX. r,ob 

even 'six are little,* give ten ! One clever follow will beat them all — over- 
throw them — indtake them prisoners! 

In the last campaign the enemy lost 73,000 well-counted men — perhaps not 
much le^than 100,000. He fought desperately a,nd artfully, and we lu->t not ;« 
full thoosand.f There, brethren, you beheld the ellect of military instruc- 
tion ! Gentlemen oiheers, what a triumph ! 



N. B. This tj^n illation hasl>ccn rendered perfectly literal ; w that effort ts often 
sacrificed tu a Strict attention to tfie real sijntjicution of the words, imteud of 
introducing parallel phrases. 

* Here Souvarof is a little in his favourite character of the buffoon. lie 

genewilly closed his harangues by endeavouiin^ to excite laughter among bis 

troops; and this mode ol forming a climax is a peculiar characteristic of the 

conversation of the Russian boors. In this manner: " And not only of the 

ntry! — and not only oj the gentry, Out the nobles! — undnvtonhj 

nobles, but the rm, *i or .'" 

f A slight exaggeration of Souvarof 's. 



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